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Chaplain  T.  G.  Steward,  D.  D. 


The    Colored    Reg\ilars 

In  the  United  States  Army 

WITH    A 

Sketch  of  the  History  of  the  Colored  American,  and  an  Account   of 

His  Services  in  the  Wars  of  the  Country,  from  the 

Period  of  the  Revolutionary  War  to  1899. 

INTRODUCTORY  LETTER  FROM 

Lieutenant- General  Nelson  A.  Miles 

Commanding  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 


BY  CHAPLAIN  T.  G.  STEWARD,  D.D., 

Twenty-fifth  U.  S.  Infantry. 


COPYRIGH£T35r)    1904 


PHILADELPHIA 

A.  M.  E.   BOOK   CONCERN, 

631  PINE  STREET. 

1904 


E 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTORY. 

CHAPTER  I.— SKETCH  OF  SOCIAL  HISTORY. 

The  Importation  of  the  Africans.     Character  of  the  Colored  Population  in 

i860.     Colored  Population  in  British  West  Indian  Possessions.     Free 

Colored  People  of  the  South.     Free  Colored   People  of  the  North. 

Notes.  21 

CHAPTER  II.— THE  AMERICAN  NEGRO  AND  THE 
MILITARY  SPIRIT. 
Early  Literature  of  Negro  Soldiers.     Negro  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 
Revolution.    The  War  of  1812.     Negro  Insurrections.     Negro  Troops 
in  the  Civil  War.     Notes.  57 


CHAPTER  III.— THE  BLACK  REGULARS  OF  THE  ARMY, 
OF  INVASION  IN  THE  SPANISH  WAR. 
Organization  of  Negro  Regiments  in  the  Regular  Army.    First  Movement^ 
in  the  War.    Chickamauga  and  Tampa.     Notes.  84 


& 


CHAPTER  IV.— BRIEF  SKETCH  OF  SPANISH  HISTORY. 

107 

CHAPTER  v.— PASSAGE,  LANDING,  AND  FIRST  BATTLE 
IN  CUBA. 

The  Tenth  Cavalry  at  Guasimas.     The  "Rescue  of  the  Rough  Riders." 
Was  there  an  Ambush?    Notes.  116 

CHAPTER  VI.— THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY. 
The  Capture  of  the  Stone  Fort  by  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry.  150 


86994S 


CHAPTER  VII.— SAN  JUAN. 
Cavalry  Division:   The   Ninth  and  Tenth  Regiments.     Kent's  Division: 
The  Twenty-fourth  Infantry.    Forming  under  fire.    A  Gallant  Charge. 

191 

CHAPTER  VIII.— SAN  JUAN   (Continued). 
Kent's  Division.     The  Twenty-fourth  Infantry.     Forming  Under  Fire. 
A  Gallant  Charge.  208 

CHAPTER  IX.— THE  SURRENDER  AND  AFTERWARDS. 
In  the  Trenches.     The  Twenty-fourth  in  the  Fever  Camp.     Are  Negro 
Soldiers  Immune?    Camp  Wikoff.  220 

CHAPTER  X.— REVIEW  AND  REFLECTIONS. 
Gallantry  of  the  Black  Regulars.    Diary  of  Sergeant  Major  E.  L.  Baker. 
Tenth  Cavalry.  236 

CHAPTER  XL— THE  COLORED  VOLUNTEERS. 
The  Ninth  Ohio  Battalion.    Eighth  Illinois.    Twenty-third  Kansas.    Third 
North   Carolina.     Sixth  Virginia.     Third   Alabama.     The   Immunes. 

CHAPTER  XII.— COLORED  OFFICERS. 
By  Captain  Frank  R.  Steward,  A.  B.,  LL.  B.,  Harvard,  49th  U.  S.  Volun- 
teer Infantry.  299 

APPENDIX. 

328 


PREFACE. 


The  material  out  of  which  the  story  of  the  COLORED 
REGULARS  has  been  constructed  has  been  collected  with 
great  pains,  and  upon  it  has  been  expended  a  serious  amount 
of  labor  and  care.  All  the  movements  of  the  Cuban  campaign, 
and  particularly  of  the  battles,  have  been  carefully  studied  by 
the  aid  of  official  reports,  and  conversations  and  correspond- 
ence with  those  who  participated  in  them.  The  work  has  been 
performed  with  an  earnest  desire  to  obtain  and  present  the 
truth,  hoping  that  the  reader  will  be  inspired  by  it  to  a 
more  profound  respect  for  the  brave  and  skilled  black  men  who 
passed  through  that  severe  baptism  of  fire  and  suffering,  con- 
tributing- their  full  share  to  their  country's  honor. 

It  is  also  becoming  in  this  place  to  mention  with  gratitude 
the  encouragement  given  by  the  War  Department  both  in 
granting  me  the  time  in  which  to  do  the  work,  and  also  in  sup- 
plying me  with  documents  and  furnishing  other  facilities.  By 
this  enlightened  course  on  the  part  of  the  Department  great 
aid  has  been  gtiven  to  historical  science,  and,  incidentally, 
very  important  service  rendered  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and 
humanity.  A  struggling  people  has  been  helped  and  further 
glory  reflected  upon  the  Government.  The  President,  himself, 
has  manifested  a  kindly  interest  in  the  work,  and  has  wished 
that  the  story  of  the  black  soldiers  should  be  told  to  the  world. 
The  interest  of  the  Commanding  General  of  the  Army  is  shown 
in  his  letter. 

Thus  encouraged  from  ofiRcial  sources  and    receiving   the 


most  hearty  words  of  cheer  from  friends,  of  whom  none  has 
been  more  potent  or  more  earnest  than  Bishop  B.  W.  Arnett, 
D.  D.,  of  the  African  M.  E.  Church,  I  have,  after 
five  months  of  severe  labor,  about  completed  my  task, 
so  far  as  I  find  it  in  my  power  to  complete  it;  and  trusting 
that  the  majesty  and  interest  of  the  story  itself  will  atone  for 
any  defects  in  the  style  of  the  narration,  the  volume  is  now 
offered  to  a  sympathetic  public,  affectionately  dedicated  to  the 
men  whose  heroic  services  have  furnished  the  theme  for  my 
pen. 

T.  G.  STEWARD. 
Wilberforce,  Ohio,  September,  1899. 


LETTER  FROM  GENERAL  MILES. 


Headquarters  of  the  Army,  Washington, 
August  5,  1899. 
Rev.  T.  G.  Steward,  Chaplain  25th  Infantry, 
Wilberforce,  Ohio. 

Dear  Sir: — Your  letter  of  the  20th  ultimo  was  duly  received, 
but  my  time  has  been  so  much  engrossed  with  official  duties, 
requiring  my  presence  part  of  the  time  out  of  the  city,  that  it  has 
not  been  practicable  to  comply  with  your  request  earlier ;  and 
even  now  I  can  only  reply  very  briefly. 

You  will  remember  that  my  acquaintance  with  negro  charac- 
ter commenced  during  the  Civil  War.  The  colored  race  then 
presented  itself  to  me  in  the  character  of  numerous  contrabands 
of  war,  and  as  a  people  who,  individually,  yearned  for  the  light 
and  life  of  liberty.  Ages  of  slavery  had  reduced  them  to  the 
lowest  ebb  of  manhood.  From  that  degree  of  degradation  I 
have  been  an  interested  spectator  of  the  marvelously  rapid  evo- 
lution of  the  down-trodden  race.  From  the  commencement  of 
this  evolution  to  the  present  time  I  have  been  more  or  less  in 
a  position  to  closely  observe  their  progress.  At  the  close  of 
the  war  I  was  in  command  of  one  of  the  very  important  military 
districts  of  the  South,  and  my  concern  for  the  welfare  of  all  the 
people  of  that  district,  not  excluding  the  people  of  color,  you 
will  find  evidenced  in  the  measures  taken  by  me,  more  especially 
in  regard  to  educational  matters,  at  that  time.  The  first  regi- 
ment which  I  commanded  on  entering  the  Regular  Army  of  the 
United  States  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  made  up  of  colored 
troops.    That  regiment — the  40th  Infantry — achieved  a  reputa- 


tion  for  military  conduct  which  forms  a  record  that  may  be 
favorably  compared  with  the  best  regiments  in  the  service. 
Then,  again,  refer  to  my  General  Order  No.  i,  issued  after  the 
fall  of  Santiago,  and  you  will  s^  that  recognition  is  not  grudg- 
ingly given  to  the  troops  who  heroically  fought  there,  whether 
of  American,  of  African,  or  of  Latin  descent.  If  so  early  in  the 
second  generation  of  the  existence  of  the  race  in  the  glorious 
light  of  liberty  it  produces  such  orators  as  Douglas,  such  edu- 
cators as  Booker  T.  Washington,  such  divines  as  the  Afro- 
American  Bishops,  what  may  we  not  expect  of  the  race  when  it 
shall  have  experienced  as  many  generations  of  growth  and  de- 
velopment as  the  Anglo-Saxons  who  now  dominate  the  thought, 
the  inventive  genius,  the  military  prowess,  and  the  commercial 
enterprise  of  the  world !  Very  trulv  yours. 

•       NELSON  A.  MILES. 


Lieutenant-General  Nelson  A.  Miles, 


Headquarters  of  the  Army, 
Siboney,  Cuba,  July  i6,  1898. 


General  Field  Orders  No.  i. 


The  gratifying  success  of  the  American  arms  at  Santiago  de 
Cuba  and  some  features  of  a  professional  character  both  im- 
portant and  instructive,  are  hereby  announced  to  the  army. 

The  declaration  of  war  found  our  country  with  a  small  army 
scattered  over  a  vast  territory.  The  troops  composing  this 
anny  were  speedily  mobilized  at  Tampa,  Fla.  Before  it  was 
possible  to  properly  equip  a  volunteer  force,  strong  appeals  for 
aid  came  from  the  navy,  which  had  inclosed  in  the  harbor  of 
►Santiago  de  Cuba  an  important  part  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  At 
that  time  the  only  efficient  fighting  force  available  was  the 
United  States  Army,  and  in  order  to  organize  a  command  of 
sufficient  strength,  the  cavalry  had  to  be  sent  dismounted  to 
Santiago  de  Cuba  with  the  infantry  and  artillery. 

The  expedition  thus  formed  was  placed  under  command  of 
Major-General  Shafter.  Notwithstanding  the  limited  time  to 
equip  and  organize  an  expedition  of  this  character,  there  was 
never  displayed  a  nobler  spirit  of  patriotism  and  fortitude  on  the 
part  of  olBcers  and  men  going  forth  to  mantain  the  honor  of 
their  country.  After  encountering  the  vicissitudes  of  an  ocean 
voyage,  they  were  obliged  to  disembark  on  a  foreign  shore 
and  immediately  engage  in  an  aggressive  campaign.  Under 
drenching  storms,  intense  and  prostrating  heat,  within  a  fever- 
alflicted  district,  with  little  comfort  or  rest,  either  by  day  or 
night,  they  pursued  their  purpose  of  finding  and  conquering  the 
enemy.  Many  of  them,  trained  in  the  severe  experience  of  the 
great  war,  and  in  frequent  campaigns  on  the  Western  plains, 
officers  and  men  alike  exhibited  a  great  skill,  fortitude,  and 


tenacity,  with  results  which  have  added  a  new  chapter  of  glory 
to  their  country's  history.  Even  when  their  own  generals  in 
several  cases  w^ere  temporarily  disabled,  the  troops  fought  on 
with  the  same  heroic  spirit  until  success  was  finally  achieved. 
In  many  instances  the  officers  placed  themselves  in  front  of  their 
commands,  and  under  their  direct  and  skillful  leadership  the 
trained  troops  of  a  brave  army  were  driven  from  the  thickets 
and  jungles  of  an  almost  inaccessible  country.  In  the  open  field 
the  troops  stormed  intrenched  infantry,  and  carried  and  cap- 
tured fortified  works  with  an  unsurpassed  daring  and  disregard 
of  death.  By  gaining  commanding  ground  they  made  the  har- 
bor of  Santiago  untenable  for  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  practically 
drove  it  out  to  a  speedy  destruction  by  the  American  Navy. 

While  enduring  the  hardships  and  privations  of  such  cam- 
paign, the  troops  generously  shared  their  scanty  food  with  the 
5,000  Cuban  patriots  in  arms,  and  the  suffering  people  who  had 
fled  from  the  besieged  city.  With  the  twenty-four  regiments 
and  four  batteries,  the  fiower  of  the  United  States  Army,  were 
also  three  volunteer  regiments.  These  though  unskilled  in  war- 
fare, yet,  inspired  with  the  same  spirit,  contributed  to  the  vic- 
tory, sufifered  hardships,  and  made  sacrifices  with  the  rest. 
Where  all  did  so  well,  it  is  impossible,  by  special  mention,  to  do 
justice  to  those  who  bore  conspicuous  part.  But  of  certain  un- 
usual features  mention  cannot  be  omitted,  namely,  the  cavalry 
dismounted,  fighting  and  storming  works  as  infantry,  and  a 
regiment  of  colored  troops,  who,  having  shared  equally  in  the 
heroism  as  well  as  the  sacrifices,  is  now  voluntarily  engaged  in 
nursing  yellow-fever  patients  and  burying  the  dead.  The  gal- 
lantry, patriotism  and  sacrifices  of  the  American  Army,  as  illus- 
trated in  this  brief  campaign,  will  be  fully  appreciated  by  a  grate- 
ful country,  and  the  heroic  deeds  of  those  who  have  fought  and 
fallen  in  the  cause  of  freedom  will  ever  be  cherished  in  sacred 
memory  and  be  an  inspiration  to  the  living. 

By  command  of  Major-General  Miles: 

J.  C.  GILMORE, 
Brigadier-General,  United  States  Volunteers. 


INTRODUCTORY. 


To  write  the  history  of  the  Negro  race  within  that  part  of 
the  western  world  known  as  the  United  States  of  America 
would  be  a  task  to  which  one  might  devote  a  life  time  and  still 
fail  in  its  satisfactory  accomplishment.  The  difficulties  lying 
in  the  way  of  collecting  and  unifying  the  material  are  very 
great;  and  that  of  detecting  the  inner  life  of  the  people  much 
greater.  Facts  and  dates  are  to  history  what  color  and  propor- 
tion are  to  the  painting.  Employed  by  genius,  color  and  form 
combine  in  a  language  that  speaks  to  the  soul,  giving  pleasure 
and  instruction  to  the  beholder ;  so  the  facts  and  dates  occurr- 
ing along  the  pathway  of  a  people,  when  gathered  and  ar- 
ranged by  labor  and  care,  assume  a  voice  and  a  power  which 
they  have  not  otherwise.  As  these  facts  express  the  thoughts 
and  feelings,  and  the  growth,  of  a  people,  they  become  the 
language  in  which  that  people  writes  its  history,  and  the  work 
of  the  historian  is  to  read  and  interpret  this  history  for  the 
benefit  of  his  fellow  men. 

Borrowing  a  second  illustration  from  the  work  of  the  artist, 
it  may  be  said,  that  as  nature  reveals  her  secrets  only  to  him 
whose  soul  is  in  deepest  sympathy  with  her  moods  and  move- 
ments, so  a  people's  history  can  be  discovered  only  by  one 
who'se  heart  throbs  in  unison  with  those  who  have  made  the 
history.  To  write  the  history  of  any  people  successfully  one 
must  read  it  by  the  heart ;  and  the  best  part  of  history,  like  the 
best  part  of  the  picture,  must  ever  remain  unexpressed.  The 
artist  sees  more,  and  feels  more  than  he  is  able  to  transfer  to 
his  canvas,  however  entrancing  his  presentation;  and  the  his- 

iz 


12  INTRODUCTORY 

torian  sees  and  feels  more  than  his  brightest  pages  convey  to 
his  readers.  Nothing  less  than  a  profound  respect  and  love 
for  humankind  and  a  special  attraction  toward  a  particular 
people  and  age,  can  fit  one  to  engage  in  so  sublime  a  task  as 
that  of  translating  the  history  of  a  people  into  the  language  o£ 
common  men. 

The  history  of  the  American  Negro  differs  very  widely  from 
that  of  any  people  whose  life-story  has  been  told ;  and  when  it 
shall  come  to  be  known  and  studied  will  open  an  entirely  new 
view  of  experience.  In  it  we  shall  be  able  to  see  what  has 
never  before  been  discovered  in  history;  to  wit:  the  absolute 
beginning  of  a  people.  Brought  to  these  shores  by  the  ship-load 
as  freight,  and  sold  as  merchandise ;  entirely  broken  away  from 
the  tribes,  races,  or  nations  of  their  native  land;  recognized 
only  as  African  slaves,  and  forbidden  all  move- 
ment looking  toward  organic  life;  deprived  of 
even  the  right  of  family  or  of  marriage,  and 
corrupted  in  the  most  shameless  manner  by  their  power- 
ful and  licentious  oppressors — it  is  from  this  heterogeneous 
protoplasm  that  the  American  Negro  has  been  developed.  The 
foundation  from  which  he  sprang  had  been  laid  by  piecemeal 
as  the  slave  ships  made  their  annual  deposits  of  cargoes 
brought  from  different  points  on  the  West  Coast,  and  basely 
corrupted  as  is  only  too  well  known ;  yet  out  of  it  has  grown, 
within  less  than  three  hundred  years,  an  organic  people. 
Grandfathers  and  great-grandfathers  are  among  them;  and 
personal  acquaintance  is  exceedingly  wide.  In  the  face  of  slav- 
ery and  against  its  teaching  and  its  power,  overcoming  the  se- 
duction of  the  master  class,  and  the  coarse  and  brutal  corrup- 
tions of  the  baser  overseer  class,  the  African  slave  persistently 
strove  to  clothe  himself  with  the  habiliments  of  civilization, 
and  so  prepared  himself  for  social  organization  that  as  soon 


INTRODUCTORY  13 

as  the  hindrances  were  removed,  this  vast  people  almost  im- 
mediately set  themselves  in  families ;  and  for  over  thirty  years 
they  have  been  busily  engaged  hunting  up  the  lost  roots  of 
their  family  trees.  We  know  the  pit  whence  the  Afro- Ameri- 
can race  was  dug,  the  rock  whence  he  was  hewn ;  he  was  born 
here  on  this  soil,  from  a  people  who  in  the  classic  language  of 
the  Hebrew  prophet,  could  be  described  as,  No  People. 

That  there  has  been  a  majestic  evolution  quietly  but  rapidly  j 
going  on  in  this  mass,  growing  as  it  was  both  by  natural  de-  \ 
velopment  and  by  accretion,  is  plainly  evident.  Heterogeneous  / 
as  were  the  fragments,  by  the  aid  of  a  common  language  and  a 
common  lot,  and  cruel  yet  partially  civilizing  control,  the 
whole  people  were  forced  into  a  common  outward  form,  and  to 
a  remarkable  extent,  into  the  same  ways  of  thinking.  The 
affinities  within  were  really  aided  by  the  repulsions  wit'out, 
and  when  finally  freed  from  slavery,  for  an  ignorant  and  in- 
experienced people,  they  presented  an  astonishing  spectacle  of 
unity.  Sociaily,  politically  and  religiously,  their  power  to 
work  together  showed  itself  little  less  than  marvellous.  The 
Afro- American,  developing  from  this  slave  base,  now  directs 
great  organizations  of  a  religious  character,  and  in  comprehen- 
sive sweep  invites  to  his  co-operation  the  inhabitants  of  the 
isles  of  the  sea  and  of  far-off  Africa.  He  is  joining  with  the 
primitive,  strong,  hopeful  and  expanding  races  of  Southern 
Africa,  and  is  evidently  preparing  for  a  day  that  has  not  yet 
come. 

The  progress  made  thus  far  by  the  people  is  somewhat  like 
that  made  by  the  young  man  who  hires  himself  to  a  farmer 
and  takes  his  pay  in  farming  stock  and  utensils.  He  is  thus 
acquiring  the  means  to  stock  a  farm,  and  the  skill  and  experi- 
ence necessary  to  its  successful  management  at  the  same  time. 
His  career  will  not  appear  important,  however,  until  the  day 


\ 


14  INTRODUCTORY 

shall  arrive  when  he  will  set  up  for  himself.  The  time  spent 
on  the  farm  of  another  was  passed  in  comparative  obscurity : 
but  without  it  the  more  conspicuous  period  could  never  have 
followed.  So,  now,  the  American  colored  people  are  making 
history,  but  it  is  not  of  that  kind  that  gains  the  attention  of 
writers.  Having  no  political  organizations,  governments  or 
armies  they  are  not  performing  those  deeds  of  splendor  in 
statesmanship  and  war  over  which  the  pen  of  the  historian  us- 
ually delights  to  linger.  The  people,  living,  growing,  read- 
ing, thinking,  working,  suffering,  advancing  and  dying — these 
are  all  common-place  occurrences,  neither  warming  the  heart 
of  the  observer,  nor  capable  of  brightening  the  page  of  the 
chronicler.  This,  however,  is,  with  the  insignificant  exception 
of  Liberia,  all  that  is  yet  to  be  found  in  the  brief  history  of  the 
Afro-American  race. 

The  period  for  him  to  set  up  for  himself  has  not  yet  come, 
and  he  is  still  acquiring  means  and  training  within  a  realm  con- 
trolled in  all  respects  by  a  people  who  maintain  toward  him  an 
attitude  of  absolute  social  exclusion.  His  is  the  history  of  a 
people  marching  from  nowhere  to  somewhere,  but  with  no 
well-defined  Canaan  before  them  and  nO'  Moses  to  lead.  It  is 
indeed,  on  their  part,  a  walk  by  faith,  for  as  yet  the  wisest 
among  the  race  cannot  tell  even  the  direction  of  the  journey. 
Before  us  lie  surely  three  possible  destinies,  if  not  four;  yet 
it  is  not  clear  toward  which  one  of  these  we  are  marching.  Are 
we  destined  to  see  the  African  element  of  America's  popula- 
tion blend  with  the  Euro-American  element  and  be  lost  in  a 
common  people?  Will  the  colored  American  leave  this  home 
in  which  as  a  race  he  has  been  born  and  reared  to  manhood, 
and  find  his  stage  of  action  somewhere  else  on  God's  earth? 
Will  he  remain  here  as  a  separate  and  subordinate  people  per- 
petuating the  conditions  of  to-day  only  that  they  may  become 


INTRODUCTORY  15 

more  humiliating  and  exasperating?     Or  is  there  to  arise  a 
war  of  races  in  which  the  blacks  are  to  be  exterminated  ?    Who 
knows?     Fortunately  the  historian  is  not  called  upon  to  per- 
form the  duties  of  prophet.    His  work  is  to  tell  what  has  been; 
and  if  others,  building  upon  his  presentation  of  facts  can  de- 
duce what  is  to  be,  it  is  no  small  tribute  to  the  correctness  of 
his  interpretations;  for  all  events  are  parts  of  one  vast  system 
ever  moving  toward  some  great  end.    One  remark  only  need  be    ;' 
made.    It  is  reasonable  to  presume  that  this  new  Afro-Ameri-    \ 
can  will  somehow  and  somewhere  be  given  an  opportunity  to    ', 
express  that  particular  modification  of  material  life  which  his     ' 
spiritual  nature  will  demand.     Whether  that  expression  will 
be  made  here  or  elsewhere;  whether  it  will  be  higher  or  lower 
than  what  now  surrounds  us,  are  questions  which  we  may  well 
leave  to  the  future. 

No  people  can  win  and  hold  a  place,  either  as  a  nation  among  / 
other  nations,  or  as  an  elementary  component  of  a  nation, 
merely  by  its  own  goodness  or  by  the  goodness  of  others.  The 
struggle  for  national  existence  is  a  familiar  one,  and  is  always 
initiated  by  a  display  of  physical  force.  Those  who  have  the 
power  seize  territory  and  government,  and  those  who  CAN, 
keep  possession  and  control.  It  is  in  some  instances  the  back- 
ing up  of  right  by  might,  and  in  others  the  substituting  of 
right  by  might.  Too  often  the  greatest  of  all  national  crimes 
is  to  be  weak.  When  the  struggle  is  a  quiet  one,  going  on 
within  a  nation,  and  is  that  of  an  element  seeking  a  place  in  the 
common  social  life  of  the  country,  much  the  same  principles  are 
involved.  It  is  still  a  question  to  be  settled  by  force,  no  matter 
how  highly  the  claim  of  the  weaker  may  be  favored  by  reason 
and  justice. 

The  powers  by  which  a  special  people  may  emerge  from  an 
unhappy  condition  and  secure  improved  social  relations,  using 


l6  INTRODUCTORY 

^he  word  social  in  its  broadest  sense,  are  physical,  intellectual 
and  material.  There  must  be  developed  manly  strength  and 
courage  and  a  power  of  intellect  which  will  manifest  itself  in 
organization  and  attractiveness,  and  in  the  aptitude  of  employ- 
ing appropriate  methods  for  ends  in  view.  To  these  must  be 
added  the  power  that  comes  through  wealth ;  and  thus,  with  the 
real  advancement  of  condition  and  character  will  come,  tardily 
and  grudgingly  perhaps,  but  nevertheless  surely,  improved  so- 
cial standing.  Once  filled  with  the  common  national  spirit, 
partaking  of  its  thoughts,  entering  heartily  into  the  common 
movements,  having  the  same  dress,  language  and  manners  as 
others,  and  being  as  able  and  as  willing  to  help  as  to  be  helped, 
and  withal  being  in  fact  the  most  intensely  American  element 
on  the  continent  because  constructed  on  this  soil,  we  may  hope 
that  the  Afro-American  will  ultimately  win  and  hold  his 
proper  place. 

The  history  made  by  the  American  Negro  has  been  so  filled 
with  suffering  that  we  have  overlooked  the  active  side.     The 
]  world  has  heard  so  much  of  the  horrors  of  the  "Middle  Pass- 
•    age";   the  awful  sufferings  of  the  slave;    the  barbarous  out- 
rages that  have  been  perpetrated  upon  ex-slaves ;  the  inhuman 
and  senseless  prejudices  that  meet  colored  Americans  almost 
everywhere  on  their  native  soil ;  that  it  has  come  to  look  upon 
this  recital  as  the  whole  of  the  story.    It  needs  to  be  told  that 
these  records  constitute  the  dark  side  of  the  picture,  dark  and 
horrible  enough,  to  be  sure,  but  this  is  by  no  means  the  whole 
picture.    If  there  are  scenes  whose  representations  would  serve 
.   to  ornament  the  infernal  regions,  pictures  over  which  fiends 
\  might  gloat,  there  are  also  others  which  angels  might  delight 
'  to  gaze  upon.    There  has  been  much  of  worthy  action  among 
the  colored  people  of  this  country,  wherever  the  bonds  of  op- 
pression have  been  slackened    enough  to   allow  of  free  move- 


INTRODUCTION  1 7' 

meiit.  There  have  been  resistance  to  wrong  by  way  of  remon-  t 
strance  and  petition,  sometimes  even  by  force ;  laudable  efforts  | 
toward  self-education;  benevolent  and  philanthropic  move-  l 
ments;  reform  organizations,  and  commendable  business  en-  | 
terprise  both  in  individuals  and  associations.  These  show  a  1 
toughness  of  fibre  and  steadiness  of  purpose  sufficient  to  make 
the  backbone  of  a  real  history. 

The  present  work  deals  with  these  elements  of  character  as 
they  are  exhibited  in  the  garb  of  the  soldier.  When  men  are 
willing  to  fight  and  die  for  what  the}'-  hold  dear,  they  have 
become  a  moving  force,  capable  of  disturbing  the  currents  of 
history  and  of  making  a  channel  for  the  stream  of  their  own 
actions.  The  American  Negro  has  evolved  an  active,  ag- 
giessive  element  in  the  scientific  fighting  men  he  has  produced. 
Individual  pugilists  of  that  race  have  entered  all  classes,  from 
feathervk'eight  to  heavyweight,  and  have  remained  there;  re- 
ceiving blows  and  dealing  blows;  showing  a  sturdy,  positive 
force ;  mastering  and  employing  all  the  methods  of  attack  and 
defence  allowed  in  such  encounters,  and  supporting  themselves 
with  that  fortitude  and  courage  so  necessary  to  the  ring.  Such 
combats  are  not  to  be  commended,  as  they  are  usually  mere 
tests  of  skill  and  endurance,  entered  into  on  the  principles  of 
the  gambler,  and  they  are  introduced  here  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  showing  the  colored  man  as  a  positive  force,  yielding  only 
to  a  superior  degree  of  force  of  the  same  kind.  The  soldier 
stands  for  something  far  higher  than  the  pugilist  represents, 
although  he  has  need  of  the  same  qualities  of  physical  hardi- 
hood— contempt  for  suffering  and  coolness  in  the  presence  of 
danger,  united  with  skill  in  the  use  of  his  weapons.  The 
pugilist  is  his  own  general  and  never  learns  the  high  lessons 
of  obedience;  the  soldier  learns  to  subordinate  himself  to  his 
commander,  and  to  fight  bravely  and  effectively  under  the  di- 
rection of  another. 


1 8  INTRODUCTION 

The  evolution  of  the  Afro-American  soldier  was  the  work 
of  a  short  period  and  suffered  many  interruptions.  When  the 
War  of  the  Revolution  broke  out  the  colored  man  was  a  slave, 
knowing"  nothing  of  the  spirit  or  the  training  of  the  soldier; 
before  it  closed  several  thousand  colored  men  had  entered  the 
army  and  some  had  won  distinction  for  gallantry.  Less  than 
forty  years  later,  in  the  war  of  1812,  the  black  man  again  ap- 
peared to  take  his  stand  under  the  flag  of  independence.  The 
War  of  Secession  again  witnessed  the  coming  forth  of  the 
black  soldier,  this  time  in  important  numbers  and  perform.ing 
heroic  services  on  a  grand  scale,  and  under  most  discouraging 
circumstances,  but  with  such  success  that  he  won  a  place  m 
arms  for  all  time.  When  the  Civil  War  closed,  the  American 
black  man  had  secured  his  standing  as  a  soldier — the  evolu- 
tion was  complete.  Henceforth  he  was  to  be  found  an  integral 
part  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States. 

The  black  man  passed  through  the  trying  baptism  of  fire 
in  the  Sixties  and  came  out  of  it  a  full-fledged  soldier.  His 
was  worse  than  an  impartial  trial ;  it  was  a  trial  before  a  jury 
strongly  biased  against  him;  in  the  service  of  a  government 
willing  to  allow  him  but  half  pay ;  and  in  the  face  of  a  foe  deny- 
ing him  the  rights  belonging  to  civilized  warfare.  Yet  against 
these  odds,  denied  the  dearest  right  of  a  soldier — the  hope  of 
promotion — scorned  by  his  companions  in  arms,  the  Negro 
on  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  battle-fields,  demonstrated 
his  courage  and  skill,  and  wrung  from  the  American  nation  the 
right  to  bear  arms.  The  barons  were  no  more  successful  in 
their  struggle  with  King  John  when  they  obtained  Magna  Charta 
than  were  the  American  Negroes  with  Prejudice,  when  they 
secured  the  national  recognition  of  their  right  and  fitness  to 
hold  a  place  in  the  Standing  Army  of  the  United  States.  The 
Afro- American  soldier  now  takes  his  rank  with  America's  best. 


INTRODUCTION  I9 

and  in  appearance,  skill,  physique,  manners,  conduct  and  cour- 
age proves  himself  worthy  of  the  position  he  holds.  Combin- 
ing in  his  person  the;  harvested  influences  of  three  great  con- 
tinents, Europe,  Africa  and  America,  he  stands  up  as  the  typi- 
cal soldier  of  the  Western  World,  the  latest  comer  in  the  field 
of  arms,  but  yielding  his  place  in  the  line  to  none,  and  ever 
r^dy  to  defend  his  country  and  his  flag  against  any  and  all 
roes. 

The  mission  of  this  book  is  to  make  clear  this  evolution,  giv- 
ing the  historical  facts  with  as  much  detail  as  possible,  and  set- 
ting forth  finally  the  portrait  of  this  new  soldier.  That  this  is 
a  prodigious  task  is  too  evident  to  need  assertion — a  task 
worthy  the  most  lofty  talents :  and  in  essaying  it  I  humbly  con- 
fess to  a  sense  of  unfitness ;  yet  the  work  lies  before  me  and 
duty  orders  me  to  enter  upon  it.  A  Major  General  writes :  "1 
wish  you  every  success  in  produ(iing  a  work  important  both 
historically  and  for  the  credit  of  a  race  far  more  deserving  than 
the  world  has  acknowledged."  A  Brigadier  General  who  com- 
manded a  colored  regiment  in  Cuba  says  to  me  most  encourag- 
ingly: "You  must  allow  me — for  our  intimate  associations 
justify  it — to  write  frankly.  Your  education,  habits  of 
thought,  fairness  of  judgment  and  comprehension  of  the  work 
you  are  to  undertake,  better  fit  you  for  writing  such  a  history 
than  any  person  within  my  acquaintance.  Those  noble' men 
made  the  history  at  El  Caney  and  San  Juan ;  I  believe  you  are 
the  man  to  record  it.  May  God  help  you  to  so  set  forth  the  deeds 
of  that  memorable  first  of  July  in  front  of  Santiago  that  the 
world  may  see  in  its  true  light  what  those  brave,  intelligent 
colored  men  did." 

Both  these  men  fought  through  the  Civil  War  and  won  dis- 
tinction on  fields  of  blood.  To  the  devout  prayer  offered  by 
one  of  them  I  heartily  echo  an  Amen,  and  can  only  wish  that 


INTRODUCTION 


in  it  all  my  friends  might  join,  and  that  God  would  answer  it  in 
granting  me  power  to  do  the  work  in  such  a  way  as  to  bring 
great  good  to  the  race  and  reflect  some  gflory  to  Himself,  in 
whose  name  the  work  is  undertaken. 


CHAPTER  I. 


SKETCH   OF  SOCIAL   HISTORY. 

The  Importation  of  the  Africans — Character  of  the  Colored  Population 
in  i860 — Colored  Population  in  British  West  Indian  Possessions — 
Free  Colored  People  of  the  South — Free  Colored  People  of  the 
North — Notes. 

Professor  DuBois,in  his  exhaustive  work  upon  the ''Suppres- 
sion of  the  African  Slave-Trade,"  has  brought  within  compara- 
tively narrow  limits  the  great  mass  of  facts  bearing  upon  his 
subject,  and  in  synopses  and  indices  has  presented  all  of  the 
more  important  literature  it  has  induced.  In  his  Monograph, 
published  as  Volume  II  of  the  Harvard  Historical  Series,  he 
has  traced  the  rise  of  this  nefarious  traffic,  especially  with 
reference  to  the  American  colonies,  exhibited  the  proportions 
to  which  it  expanded,  and  the  tenacity  with  which  it  held  on 
to  its  purpose  until  it  met  its  death  in  the  fate  of  the  ill-starred 
Southern  Confederacy.  Every  step  in  his  narrative  is  sup- 
ported by  references  to  unimpeachable  authorities;  and  the 
scholarly  Monograph  bears  high  testimony  to  the  author's 
earnest  labor,  painstaking  research  and  unswervins:  fidelity. 
Should  the  present  work  stimulate  inquiry  beyond  the  scope 
herein  set  before  the  reader,  he  is  most  confidently  referred 
to  Professor  Du  Bois'  book  as  containing  a  complete  exposition 
of  the  development  and  overthrow  of  that  awful  crime. 

It  is  from  this  work,  however,  that  we  shall  obtain  a  nearer 
and  clearer  view  of  the  African  planted  upon  our  shores. 
Negro  slavery  began  at  an  early  day  in  the  North  American 
Colonies;  but  up  until  the  Revolution  of  1688  the  demand  for 


2  2  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

slaves  was  mainly  supplied  from  England,  the  slaves  being 
white."  "It  is  probable,"  says  Professor  DuBois,  "that 
about  25,000  slaves  were  brought  to  America  each  year  be- 
tween 1698  and  1707,  and  after  171 3  it  rose  to  perhaps  30,000 
annually.  "Before  the  Revolution  the  total  exportation  10 
America  is  variously  estimated  as  between  40,000  and  100,000 
each  year."  Something  of  the  horrors  of  the  "Middle  Pass- 
age" may  be  shown  by  the  records  that  out  of  60,783  slaves 
shipped  from  Africa  during  the  years  1680-88,  14,387,  or 
nearly  one-fourth  of  the  entire  number,  perished  at  sea,  Tn 
1790  there  were  in  the  country  nearly  seven  hundred  thous- 
and Africans,  these  having  been  introduced  by  installments 
from  various  heathen  tribes.  The  importation  of  slaves  con- 
tinued with  more  or  less  success  up  until  1858,  when  the  "Wan- 
derer" landed  her  cargo  of  500  in  Georgia. 

During  the  period  from  1790  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  Civil 
War,  shortly  after  the  landing  of  the  last  cargo  of  slaves,  the 
colored  population,  both  sUve  and  free,  had  arisen  to  about 
four  million,  and  had  undergone  great  modifications.  The 
csrgo  of  the  "Wanderer"  found  themselves  among  strangers, 
even  when  trying  to  associate  with  those  who  in  color  and  hair 
were  like  themselves.  The  slaves  of  i860  differed  greatly  from 
the  slaves  of  a  hundred  years  earlier.  They  had  lost  the  relics 
of  that  stern  warlike  spirit  which  prompted  the  Stono  insur- 
rection, the  Denmark  Vesey  insurrection,  and  the  Nat  Turner 
insurrection,  and  had  accepted  their  lot  as  slaves,  hoping  that 
through  God,  freedom  would  come  to  them  some  time  in  the 
happy  future.  Large  numbers  of  them  had  become  Christians 
through  the  teaching  of  godly  white  women,  and  at  length 
through  the  evangelistic  efforts  of  men  and  women  of  their 

*Slave  Trade — Carey. 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  23 

own  race.  Independent  religious  organizations  had 
been  formed  in  the  North,  and  large  local 
churches  with  Negro  pastors  were  in  existence  in  the 
South  when  the  "Wanderer''  landed  her  cargo. 
There  had  been  a  steady  increase  in  numbers,  indicating  that 
the  physical  well-being  of  the  slave  was  not  overlooked,  and 
the  slaves  had  greatly  improved  in  character.  Sales  made  in 
South  Carolina  between  1850  and  i860  show  "boys,"  from  16 
to  25  years  of  age,  bringing  from  $900  to  $1000;  and  "large 
sales"  are  reported  showing  an  "average  of  $620  each,"  "Negro 
men  bringing  from  $800  to  $1000,"  and  a  "blacksmith"  bring- 
ing $1425.  The  averages  generally  obtained  were  above  $600. 
A  sale  of  109  Negroes  in  families  is  reported  in  the  "Charles- 
ton Courier"  in  which  the  writer  says :  "Two  or  three  families 
averaged  from  $1000  to  $1100  for  each  individual."  The 
same  item  states  also  that  "C.  G.  Whitney  sold  two  likely  fe- 
male house  servants,  one  for  $io(X),  the  other  for  $1190." 
These  cases  are  presented  to  illustrate  the  financial  value  of  the 
American  slave,  and  inferentially  the  progress  he  had  made  in 
acquiring  the  arts  of  modem  civilization.  Slaves  had  become 
blacksmiths,  wheelwrights,  carriage-makers,  carpenters,  brick- 
layers, tailors,  bootmakers,  founders  and  moulders,  not  to  men- 
tion all  the  common  labor  performed  by  them.  Slave  women 
had  become  dressmakers,  hairdressers,  nurses  and  the  best 
cooks  to  be  found  in  the  world.  The  slave-holders  regarded 
themselves  as  the  favored  of  mankind  because  of  the  competence 
and  faithfulness  of  their  slaves.  The  African  spirit  and  char- 
acter had  disappeared,  and  in  their  place  were  coming  into  be- 
ing the  elements  of  a  new  character,  existing  in  i860  purely 
in  a  negative  form.  The  slave  had  become  an  American.  He 
was  now  a  civilized  slave,  and  had  received  his  civilization 
from  his  masters.    He  had  separated  himself  very  far  from  his 


24  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

brother  slave  in  St.  Domingo.  The  Haytian  Negro  fought  and 
won  his  freedom  before  he  had  been  civilized  in  slavery,  and 
hence  has  never  passed  over  the  same  ground  that  his  Ameri- 
can fellow-servant  has  been  compelled  to  traverse. 

Beside  the  slaves  in  the  South,  there  were  also  several  thous- 
and "free  persons  of  color,"  as  they  were  called,  dwelling  in 
such  cities  as  Richmond,  Va.,  Charleston,  S.  C,  and  New  Or- 
leans, La.  Some  of  these  had  become  quite  wealthy  and  well- 
educated,  forming  a  distinct  class  of  the  population.  They 
vv^ere  called  Creoles  in  Louisiana,  and  were  accorded  certain 
privileges,  almoiigh  laws  were  carefully  enacted  to  keep  alive 
the  distinction  between  them  and  the  whites.  In  Charleston 
the  so-called  colored  people  set  themselves  up  as  a  class,  prided 
themselves  much  upon  their  color  and  hair  and  in  their  sym- 
pathies joined  almost  wholly  with  the  master  class.  Representa- 
tives of  their  class  became  slave-holders  and  were  in  full  accord 
with  the  social  policy  of  the  country.  Nevertheless  their  pres- 
*ence  was  an  encouragement  to  the  slave,  and  consequently  was 
objected  to  by  the  slave-holder.  The  free  colored  man  became 
more  and  more  disliked  in  the  South  as  the  slave  became  more 
civilized.  He  was  supposed  by  his  example  to  contribute  to 
the  discontent  of  the  slave,  and  laws  were  passed  restricting 
his  priveleg'es  so  as  to  induce  him  to  leave.  Between  1850  and 
i860  this  question  reached  a  crisis  and  free  colored  people  from 
the  South  were  to  be  seen  taking  up  their  homes  in  the  North- 
ern States  and  in  Canada.  (Many  of  the  people,  especially 
from  Charleston,  carried  with  them  all  their  belittling  pre- 
judices, and  after  years  of  sojourn  under  the  sway  of  enlight- 
ened and  liberal  ideas,  proved  themselves  still  incapable  of 
learning  the  new  way  or  forgetting  the  old.) 

There  were,  then,  three  very  distinct  classes  of  colored  peo- 
ple in  the  country,  to  wit :    The  slave  in  the  South,  the  free  col- 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  25 

•ored  people  of  the  Southy^^aiidjthe  free  colored  people  of  the 
I^o7fliT^'*THese  "were  also  sub-divided  into  several  smaller 
classes.  Slaves  were  .divided  into  field  hands,  house  servants 
and  city  slaves.  The  free  colored  people  of  the  South  had  their 
classes  based  usuallx„Cin.i;glor ;  the  free  colored  people  of  the 
Nbrtff  had  their  divisions  caused  by  differences  in  religion, 
differences  as  to  place  of  birth,  and  numerous  family  conceits, 
^o  that  surveyed  as  a  whole,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  g^et 
anything  like  a  complete  social  map  of  these  four  millions  as 
they  existed  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War. 

For  a  quarter  of  a  century  there  had  been  a  steady  concen- 
tration of  the  slave  population  within  the  cotton  and  cane- 
growing  region,  the  grain-growing  States  of  Delaware,  Mary- 
land and  Virginia  having  become  to  a  considerable  extent 
breeding  farms.  Particularly  was  this  the  case  with  the  more 
intelligent  and  higher  developed  individual  slaves  who  ap- 
peared near  the  border  line.  The  master  felt  that  such  persons 
would  soon  make  their  escape  by  way  of  the  "Underground 
Railroad"  or  otherwise,  and  hence  in  order  to  prevent  a  total 
loss,  would  follow  the  dictates  of  business  prudence  and  sell 
his  bright  slave  man  to  Georgia.  The  Maryland  or  Virginia 
slave  who  showed  suspicious  aspirations  was  usually  checked 
by  the  threat,  "TU  sell  you  to  Georgia;"  and  if  the  threat  did 
not  produce  the  desired  reformation  it  was  not  long  before  the 
ambitious  slave  found  himself  in  the  gang  of  that  most  de- 
spised and  most  despicable  of  all  creatures^  the  Georgia  slave- 
,trader.  Georgia  and  Canada  were  the  two  extremes  of  the 
slave's  anticipation  during  the  last  decade  of  his  experience. 
These  stood  as  his  earthly  Heaven  and  Hell,  the  "Underground 
iRailroad,"  with  its  agents,  conducting  to  one,  and  the  odious 
slave-trader,  driving  men,  women  and  children,  to  the  other. 
No  Netherlander  ever  hated  and  feared  the  devil  more  thor- 


26  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

oughly  than  did  the  slaves  of  the  border  States  hate  and  fear 
these  outrages  on  mankind,  the  kidnapping  slave-traders  of  the 
cotton  and  cane  regions.  I  say  kidnapping,  for  I  have  myself 
seen  persons  in  Georgia  who  had  been  kidnapped  in  Maryland. 
If  the  devi.  was  ever  incarnate,  I  think  it  safe  to  look  for  him 
among  those  who  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  whether  in  a  for- 
eign or  domestic  form. 

Nothing  is  more  striking  in  connection  with  the  history  of 
American  Slavery  than  the  conduct  of  Great  Britain  on  the 
same  subject.  So  inconsistent  has  this  conduct  been  that  it 
can  be  explained  only  by  regarding  England  as  a  conglomerate 
of  two  elements  nearly  equal  in  strength,  of  directly  opposite 
character,  ruling  alternately  the  affairs  of  the  nation.  x\s  a 
slave-trader  and  slave-holder  England  was  perhaps  even  worse 
than  the  Lnited  States-  Under  her  rule  the  slave  decreased  in 
numbers,  and  remained  a  savage.  In  Jamaica,  in  St.  Vincent, 
in  British  Guiana,  in  Barbadoes,  in  Trinidad  and  in  Grenada, 
British  slavery  was  far  worse  than  American  slavery.  In  these 
colonies  ''the  slave  was  generally  a  barbarian,  speaking  an  un- 
know'ii  tongue,  and  w'orking  with  men  like  himself,  in  gangs 
with  scarcely  a  chance  for  improvement."  An  economist  says, 
had  the  slaves  of  the  British  colonics  been  as  well  fed,  clothed, 
lodged,  ciud  'otherwise  caretl  for  as  were  those  of  the  United 
States,  their  number  at  emancipation  would  have  reached  from 
seventeen  to  twenty  millions,  whereas  the  actual  number  eman- 
cipated w-as  only  660,000.  Had  the  blacks  of  the  United  States 
experienced  the  saine  treatment  as  did  those  of  the  British  col- 
onies, i860  would  have  found  among  us  less  than  150,000  col- 
ored persons.  In  the  United  States  were  found  ten  colored 
persons  for  every  slave  imported,  while  in  the  Brrtish  colonies 
only  one  was  found  for  every  three  imported.  Hence  the  claim 
that  the  American  Negro  is  a  new  race,  built  up  on  this  soil, 


SKETCH    OF   SOCIAL    HISTORY  27 

rests  upon  an  ample  supply  of  facts.    The  American  slave  was 
born  in  our  civilization,  fed  upon  good  American  food,  housed 
and  clothed  on  a  civilized  plan,  taught  the  arts  and  language 
of  civilization,  acquired  necessarily  ideas  of  law  and  liberty, 
and  by  i860  was  well  on  the  road  toward  fitness  for  freedom. 
No  lessons  therefore  drawn  from  the  emancipation  of  British 
slaves  in  the  West  Indies  are  of  any  direct  value  to  us,  inas- 
much as  British  slavery  was  not  like  American  slavery,  the 
^ritish  freedman  was  in  no  sense  the  equal  of  the  American 
freedman,  and  the  circumstances  surrounding  the  emancipa- 
tion  of  the  British  slave  had  nothing  of  the  inspiring  and  en- 
nobling character  with  those  connected  with  the  breaking  of  the 
American  Negro's  chains.     Yet,  superior    as    the    American    .. 
Negro  was  as  a  slave,  he  was  very  far  below  the  standard  of    i 
American  citizenship  as  subsequent  events  conclusively  proved.    1 
The  best  form  of  slavery,  even  though  it  may  lead  toward  fit-    \ 
ness  for  freedom,  can  never  be  regarded  as  a  fit  school  in  which 
to  graduate  citizens  of  so  magnificent  an  empire  as  the  United 
States. 

The  slave  of  i860  was  perhaps,  all  things  considered,  the 
best  slave  the  world  had  ever  seen,  if  we  except  those  who 
served  the  Hebrews  under  the  Mosaic  statutes.  While  there 
was  no  such  thing  among  them  as  legal  marriage  or  legitimate 
childhood,  yet  slave  "families"  were  recognized  even  on  the 
auction  block,  and  after  emancipation  legal  family  life  was 
erected  generally  upon  relationships  which  had  been  formed  in 
slavery.  Bishop  Gaines,  himself  born  a  slave  of  slave  parents, 
says :  "The  Negro  had  no  civil  rights  under  the  codes  of  the 
Southern  States.  It  was  often  the  case,  it  is  true,  that  the  mar- 
riage ceremony  was  performed,  and  thousands  of  couples  re- 
garded it,  and  observed  it  as  of  binding  force,  and  were  as  true  | 
to  each  other  as  if  they  had  been  lawfully  married."     *     *     *     t 


28  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

''The  colored  people  generally,"  he  says,  "held  their  marriage 
(if  such  unauthorized  union  may  be  called  marriage)  sacred, 
even  while  they  were  slaves.  Many  instances  will  be  recalled 
by  the  older  people  of  the  life-long  fidelity  which  existed  be- 
tween the  slave  and  his  concubine"  (Wife,  T.  G.  S.)  " 

the  mother  of  his  children.  My  own  father  and  mother  lived 
together  over  sixty  years.  I  am  the  fourteenth  child  of  that 
union,  and  I  can  truthfully  affirm  that  no  marriage,  however 
n-ade  sacred  by  the  sanction  of  law,  was  ever  more  congenial 
and  beautiful.  Thousands  of  like  instances  might  be  cited  to 
the  same  effect.  It  will  al\va3^s  be  to  the  credit  of  the  colored 
people  that  almost  without  exception,  they  adhered  to  their 
relations,  illegal  though  they  had  been,  and  accepted  gladly 
the  new  law  which  put  the  stamp  of  legitimacy  upon  their 
union  and  removed  the  brand  of  bastardy  from  the  brows  of 
their  children." 

Let  us  now  sum  up  the  qualifications  that  these  people  pos- 
sessed in  large  degree,  in  order  to  determine  their  fitness  for 
freedom,  then  so  near  at  hand.  They  had  acquired  the  English 
language,  and  the  Christian  religion,  including  the  Christian 
idea  of  marriage,  so  entirely  different  in  spirit  and  form  from 
the  African  marriage.  They  had  acquired  the  civilized  meth- 
ods of  cooking  their  food,  making  and  wearing  clothes,  sleep- 
ing in  beds,  and  observing  Sunday.  They  had  acquired  many 
of  the  useful  arts  and  trades  of  civilization  and  had  imbibed 
the  tastes  and  feelings,  to  some  extent,  at  least,  of  the  country 
in  which  they  lived.  Becoming  keen  observers,  shut  out  from 
books  and  newspapers,  they  listened  attentively,  learned  more 
of  law  and  politics  than  was  generally  supposed.  They  knew 
what  the  election  of  i860  meant  and  were  on  tiptoe  with  ex- 
pectation. Although  the  days  of  insurrection  had  passed  and 
the  slave  of  '59  was  not  ready  to  rise  with  the  immortal  John 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  2^ 

Brown,  he  had  not  lost  his  desire  for  freedom.  The  steady 
march  of  escaping  slaves  guided  by  the  North  star,  with  the 
refrain : 

■'I'm  on  my  way  to   Canada, 
That   cold  but   happy  land ; 
The  dire  effects  of  slavery 
I   can  no  longer  stand," 

pioved  that  the  desire  to  be  free  wao  becoming  more  extensive 
and  absorbing  as  the  slave  advanced  in  intelhgence. 

It  is  necessary  again  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  American 
slaves  were  well  formed  and  well  developed  physically,  capable 
"oiTenduring  hard  labor  and  of  subsisting  upon  the  plainest 
'food.  Their  diet  for  years  had  been  of  the  simplest  sort,  and 
they  had  been  subjected  to  a  system  of  regulations  very  much 
like  those  which  are  employed  in  the  management  of  armies. 
They  had  an  hour  to  go  to  bed  and  an  hour  to  rise ;  left  their 
homes  only  upon  written  "passes,"  and  when  abroad  at  night 
were  often  halted  by  the  wandering  patrol.  "Run,  nigger,  run, 
the  patrol  get  you,"  was  a  song  of  the  slave  children  of  South 
Carolina. 

Strangers  who  saw  for  the  first  time  these  people  as  they 
came  out  of  slaver)^  in  1865  were  usually  impressed  with  their 
robust  appearance,  and  a  conference  of  ex-slayes,  assembled 
soon  after  the  war,  introduced  a  resolution  with  the  follow- 
mg^decTaration :  "Whereas,  Slavery  has  left  us  in  possession 
of  strong  and  healthy  bodies."  It  is  probable  that  at  least  a 
half-million  of  men  of  proper  age  could  then  have  been  found 
among  the  newly  liberated  capable  of  bearing  arms.  They 
were  inured  to  the  plain  ration,  to  labor  and  fatigue,  and  to 
subordination,  and  had  long  been  accustomed  to  working  to- 
gether under  the  immediate  direction  of  foremen. 

^Two  questions  of  importance  naturally  arose  at  this  period  : 
First,  did  the  American  slave  understand  the  issue  that  had 


30  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTOR\ 

been  before  the  country  for  more  than  a  half-century  and  that 
was  now  dividing  the  nation  in  twain  and  marshalling  for 
deadly  strife  these  two  opposing  armies  ?  Second,  had  he  the 
courage  necessary  to  take  part  in  the  struggle  and  hetp  save 
i "  the  Union  ?  It  would  be  a  strange  thing  to  say,  but  neverthe- 
'  less  a  thing  entirely  true,  that  many  of  the  Negro  slaves  had 
a  clearer  perception  of  the  real  question  at  issue  than  did  some 
of  our  most  far-seeing  statesmen,  and  a  clearer  vision  of  what 
would  be  the  outcome  of  the  war.  While  the  great  men  of  the 
?>Iorth  were  striving  to  establish  the  doctrine  that  the  coming 
war  was  merely  to  settle  the  question  of  Secession,  the  slave 
knew  better.  God  had  hid  certain  things  from  the  wise  and 
prudent  and  had  revealed  them  unto  babes.  Lincoln,  the  wisest 
of  all,  was  slow  to  see  that  the  issue  he  himself  had  predictetl 
was  really  at  hand.  As  President,  he  declared  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  Union,  with  or  without  slaver^-,  or  even  upon 
the  terms  which  he  had  previously  declared  irreconcilable, 
"half  slave  and  half  free."  The  Negro  slave  saw  in  the  out- 
bieak  of  the  ^^•ar  the  death  struggle  of  slavery.  He  knew  that 
the  real  issue  was  slavery. 

The  masters  were  careful  to  keep  from  the  knowledge  of  the 
slave  the  events  as  well  as  the  causes  of  the  war,  but  in  spite 
of  these  efforts  the  slave's  keen  perception  enabled  him  to  read 
defeat  in  the  dejected  mien  of  his  master,  and  victory  in  his 
exultation.  To  prevent  the  master's  knowing  what  was  going 
/  on  in  their  thoughts,  the  slaves  constructed  curious  codes 
among  themselves.  In  one  neighborhood  freedom  was  always 
i^poken  of  as  "New  Rice" ;  and  many  a  poor  slave  woman 
sighed  for  the  coming  of  New  Rice  in  the  hearing  of  those  who 
imagined  they  knew  the  inmost  thoughts  of  their  bondwomen. 
Gleefully  at  times  they  would  talk  of  the  jollification  they 
would  make  when  the  New  Rice  came.   It  was  this  clear  vision. 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  3 1 

tliis  Strong-  hope,  that  sustained  them  during  the  trying  days 
of  the  war  and  kept  them  back  from  insunection.  Bishop 
Gaines  says :  "Their  prayers  ascended  for  their  dehverance, 
and  their  hearts  yearned  for  the  success  of  their  friends.  They 
fondly  hoped  for  the  hour  of  victory,  when  the  night  of  slavery 
would  end  and  the  dawn  of  freedom  appear.  They  often  talked 
to  each  other  of  the  progress  of  the  war  and  conferred  in  secret 
as  to  what  they  might  do  to  aid  in  the  struggle.  Worn  out 
with  long  bondage,  yearning  for  the  lx)on  of  freedom,  long- 
ing for  the  sun  of  liberty  to  rise,  they  kept  their  peace  and  left 
the  result  to  God."  Mr.  Douglass,  whom  this  same  Bishop 
Gaines  speaks  of  very  inappropriately  as  a  "half-breed," 
seemed  able  to  grasp  the  feelings  both  of  the  slave  and  the 
freeman  and  said :  "From  the  first,  I  for  one,  saw  in  this  war 
the  end  of  'slavery,  and  truth  requires  me  to  say  that  my  in- 
terest in  the  success  of  the  North  was  largely  due  to  this  be- 
lief." Mr.  Seward,  the  wise  Secretary  of  State,  had  thought 
tiiat  the  war  would  come  and  go  without  producing  any  change 
in  the  relation  of  master  and  slave;  but  the  humble  slave  on 
the  Georgia  cotton  plantation,  or  in  the  Carolina  rice  fields, 
knew  that  the  booming  of  the  guns  of  rebellion  in  Charleston 
was  the  opening  note  of  the  death  knell  of  slavery.  The 
slave  undoubtedly  understood  the  issue,  and  knew  on  which 
side  liberty  dwelt.  Although  thoroughly  bred  to  slavery,  and 
as  contented  and  happy  as  he  could  be  in  his  lot,  he  acted  ac- 
cording to  the  injunction  of  the  Apostle :  "Art  thou  called  be- 
ing a  servant,  care  not  for  it;  but  if  thou  mayest  be  made  free, 
use  it  rather."  The  slaves  tried  to  be  contented,  but  they  pre- 
ferred freedom  and  knew  which  side  to  take  when  the  time 
came  for  them  to  act. 

Elnough  has  been  said  to  show  that  out  of  the  African  slave 
had  been  developed  a  thoroughly  American  slave,  so  well  im- 


32  SKETCH    OK    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

bued  with  modern  civilization  and  so  well  versed  in  American 
politics,  as  to  be  partially  ready  for  citizenship.  He  had  be- 
come law-abiding  and  order-loving,  and  possessed  of  an  intelli- 
gent desire  to  be  free.  Whether  he  had  within  him  the  neces- 
sary moral  elements  to  become  a  soldier  the  pages  following 
will  attempt  to  make  known.  He  had  the  numbers,  the  physi- 
cal strength  and  the  intelligence.  He  could  enter  the  strife 
with  a  'Sufficient  comprehension  of  the  issues  involved  to  en- 
able him  to  give  to  his  own  heart  a  reason  for  his  action.  Fit- 
ness for  the  soldier  does  not  necessarily  involve  fitness  for  citi- 
zenship, but  the  actual  discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  soldier 
in  defence  of  the  nation,  entitles  one  to  all  common  rights,  to 
the  nation's  gratitude,  and  to  the  highest  honors  for  which 
he  is  qualified. 

In  concluding  this  chapter  I  shall  briefly  return  to  the  free 
colored  people  of  the  South  that  the  reader  may  be  able  to  prop- 
erly estimate  their  importance  as  a  separate  element.  Their 
influence  upon  the  slave  population  was  very  slight,  inasmuch 
as  law  and  custom  forbade  the  intercourse  of  these  two  classes. 

According  to  the  Census  of  i860  there  were  in  the  slave- 
holding  States  altogether  261,918  free  colored  persons,_io6,- 
770  being  mulattoes.  In  Charleston  there  were  887  free 
blacks  and  2,554  mulattoes;  in  Mobile,  98  free  blacks  and  617 
mulattoes;  in  New  Orleans,  1,727  blacks  and  7,357  mulattoes. 
As  will  be  seen,  nearly  one-half  of  the  entire  number  of  free 
colored  persons  were  mulattoes,  while  in  the  leading  Southern 
cities  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  free  colored  people  were  put 
in  this  class.  The  percentage  of  mulatto  slaves  to  the  total 
slave  population  at  that  time  was  10-41,  and  in  the  same  cities 
which  showed  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  all  the  free  colored  per- 
sons mulattoes,  the  percentage  of  mulatto  slaves  was  but  16.84. 
Mulatto  in  this  classification  includes  all  colored  persons  who 
are  not  put  down  as  black. 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  35 

In  New  Orleans  the  free  mulattoes  were  generally  French, 
having  come  into  the  Union  with  the  Louisiana  purchase,  and 
among  them  were  to  be  found  wealthy  slave-holders.  They 
much  resembled  the  class  of  mulattoes  which  obtained  in  St. 
Domingo  at  the  beginning  of  the  century,  and  had  but  little 
sympathy  with  the  blacks,  although  they  were  the  first  to  ac- 
quiesce in  emancipation,  some  of  them  actually  leading  their 
own  slaves  into  the  army  of  liberation.  It  is  possible,  how- 
ever, that  they  had  not  fully  realized  the  trend  of  the  war, 
inasmuch  as  New  Orleans  was  excepted  from  the  effects  of  the 
Proclamation.  It  is  certain  that  the  free  colored  people  of 
that  city  made  a  tender  of  support  to  the  Confederacy,  al- 
though they  were  among  the  first  to  welcome  the  conquering 
"Yankees,"  and  afterward  fought  with  marked  gallantry  in  the 
Union  cause.  The  free  mulattoes,  or  brounis,  as  they  called 
themselves,  of  Charleston,  followed  much  the  same  course  as 
their  fellow  classmen  of  New  Orleans.  Here,  too,  they  had 
been  exclusive  and  to  some  extent  slave-holders,  had  tendered 
their  services  to  the  Confederacy,  and  had  hastily  come  for- 
ward to  welcome  the  conquerors.  They  were  foremost  among 
the  colored  people  in  wealth  and  intelligence,  but  their  field  of 
social  operations  had  been  so  circumscribed  that  they  had  ex- 
cited but  little  influence  in  the  work  of  Americanizing  the 
slave.  Separated  from  the  slave  by  law  and  custom  they  did 
all  in  their  power  to  separate  themselves  from  him  in  thought 
and  feeling.  They  drew  the  line  against  all  blacks  as  mer- 
cilessly and  senselessly  as  the  most  prejudiced  of  the  whites 
and  were  duplicates  of  the  whites  placed  on  an  intermediate 
plane.  It  was  not  unusual  to  find  a  Charleston  brown  filled 
with  more  prejudice  toward  the  blacks  than  were  the  whites. 

The  colored  people  of  the  North  in  i860  numbered  237,283,. 


♦Census  of  i860. 


54  SKETCH    OK    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

Pennsylvania  having  the  largest  number,  56,849;  then  came 
New  York  with  49,005;  Ohio,  36,673;  New  Jersey,  25,318; 
Indiana,  11,428;  Massachusetts,  9,602;  Connecticut,  8,627; 
Illinois,  7,628;  Michigan,  6,799;  Rhode  Island,  3,952;  Maine, 
1,327;  Wisconsin,  1,171 ;  Iowa,  1,069;  Vermont,  709;  Kansas. 
625 ;  New  Hampshire,  494;  Minnesota,  259;  Oregon,  128. 

Considerably  more  than  one-half  of  this  population  was  lo- 
cated within  the  States  along  the  Atlantic  Coast,  viz. ;  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Vermont,  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey.  Here  were 
to  be  found  154,883  free  colored  people.  Pennsylvania,  New 
York  and  New  Jersey  took  the  lead  in  this  population,  with 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  coming  next,  while  Maine, 
New  Hampshire  and  Vermont  had  but  few.  The  cities,  Bos- 
ton, New  York  and  Philadelphia,  were  the  largest  cities  of 
free  colored  people  then  in  the  North.  In  Boston  there  were 
2,261 ;  New  York  City,  12,574,  while  in  Philadelphia  there 
were  22,185 

As  early  as  1787  the  free  colored  people  of  Philadelphia, 
through  two  distinguished  representatives,  Absalom  Jones  and 
Richard  Allen,  "two  men  of  the  African  race,"  as  the  chron- 
iclers say,  "saw  the  irreligious  and  uncivilized  state"  of  the 
"people  of  their  complexion,"  and  finally  concluded  "that  a  so- 
ciety should  be  formed  without  regard  to  religious  tenets,  pro- 
vided the  persons  lived  an  orderly  and  sober  life,"  the  purpose 
of  the  society  being  "to  support  one  another  in  sickness  and 
for  the  benefit  of  their  widows  and  fatherless  children."  Ac- 
cordingly a  society  was  established,  known  as  the  Free  Afri- 
can Society  of  Philadelphia,  and  on  the  17th,  5th-mo.,  1787, 
articles  were  published,  including  the  following,  which  is  in- 
serted to  show  the  breadth  of  the  society's  purpose : 


ir-    ; 
ce,  / 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  35 

*'Aud  -we  apprehend  it  to  be  necessary  that  the  children  of 
our  deceased  members  be  under  the  care  of  the  Society,  so  far 
as  to  pay  for  the  education  of  their  children,  if  they  cannot  at- 
tend free  school ;  also  to  put  them  out  apprentices  to  suitable 
tiades  or  places,  if  required."* 

Shortly  after  this  we  read  of  "the  African  School  for  tlie 
free  instruction  of  the  black  people,"  and  in  1796,  "The  Even- 
ing Free  School,  held  at  the  African  Methodist  Meeting  House 
in  Philadelphia"  was  reported  as  being  "kept  very  orderly,  the 
scholars  behaving  in  a  becoming  manner,  and  their  improve- 
ment beyond  the  teachers'  expectations,  their  intellects  appear 
ing  in  every  branch  of  learning  to  be  equal  to  those  of  the  fair- 
est complexion."  The  name  African,  as  the  reader  will  notice 
is  used  with  reference  to  school,  church,  and  individuals;  al- 
though not  to  the  complete  exclusion  of  "colored  people"  and 
"people  of  color."  These  phrases  seem  to  have  Been  coined  in 
tfie'^West  Indies,  and  were  there  applied  only  to  persons  of 
n  ixed  Eurojpean  and  African  descent.  In  the  United  States 
"tHey  never  obtained  such  restricted  use  except  in  a  very  few  lo- 
calities. The  practice  of  using  African  as  a  descriptive  title  of 
the  free  colored  people  of  the  North  became  very  extensive  and 
so  continued  up  to  the  middle  of  the  centur)^  There  were 
African  societies,  churches  and  schools  in  all  the  prominent 
centres  of  this  population. 

In  1843  one,  Mr.  P.  Loveridge,  Agent  for  Colored  Schools 
of  New  York,  wrote  the  editor  of  the  African  Methodist  Maga- 
zine as  follows  :^  "As  to  the  name  of  your  periodical,  act  as  we 
did  with  the  name  of  our  schools — away  with  Africa.  There  are 
no  Africans  in  your  connection.     Substitute  colored  for  Afri- 


♦Outlines — ^Tanner. 


tA.  M.  E.  Magazine,  1843. 


36  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAT.    HISTORY 

can  and  it  will  be,  in  my  opinion,  as  it  should  be."    The  earnest- 
ness of  the  writer  shows  that  the  matter  of  parting-  with  Afri- 
can was  then  a  live  question.    The  cool  reply  of  the  editor  in- 
dicates how  strong  was  the  conservative  element  among  the 
African  people  of  '43.     He  says :     "We  are  unable  to  see  the 
^    reasonableness  of  the  remarks.    It  is  true  we  are  not  Africans, 
\  or  natives  born  upon  the  soil  of  Africa,  yet,  as  the  descendants 
I   of  that  race,  how  can  we  better  manifest  that  respect  due  to 
V  our  fathers  who  begat  us.  than  by  the  adoption  of  the  term  in 
4   our  institutions,  and  inscribing  it  upon  our  public  places  of  re- 
4  sort?"     To  this  Mr.  Loveridge  rejoins  in  the  following  ex- 
•  p^anatory  paragraph :     "We  who  are  engaged  in  the  Public 
^     Schools  in  this  city  found  upon  examination  of  about   1500 
children  who  attend  our  schools  from  year  to  year,  not  one 
African  child  among  them.     A  suggestion  was  made  that  we 
petition  the  Public  School  Society  to  change  the  name  African 
to  Colored  Schools.     The  gentlemen  of  that  honorable  body. 
perceiving  our  petition  to  be  a  logical  one,  acquiesced  with  us. 
Hence  the  adjective  African  (which  does  not  apply  to  us)  wiis 
blotted  out  and  Colored  substituted  in  its  place.     It  is  'Public 
Schools  for  Colored  Children.'    We  are  Americans  and  exj^ci 
American  sympathies." 

In  1816  the  colored  Methodists  conceived  the  idea  of  or- 
ganizing and  evangelizing  their  race,  and  to  this  end  a  conven- 
tion was  called  and  assembled  in  Philadelphia  of  that  year. 
composed  of  sixteen  delegates,  coming  from  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland  and  New  Jersey.  The  convention  adopted 
a  resolution  that  the  people  of  Philadelphia,  Baltimore  and  all 
other  places  who  should  unite  with  them,  should  become  one 
bcKly  under  the  name  and  style  of  the  African  Methodist  Epis- 
copal Churcii.    Similar  action  was  taken  by  two  other  bodies  of 


\ 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  37 

colored  Methodists,  one  in  New  York,  the  other  in  Wilming- 
ton, Delaware,  about  the  same  time.  The  people  were  coming 
together  and  beginning  to  understand  the  value  of  organiza- 
tion. This  was  manifested  in  their  religious,  beneficial  and 
educational  associations  that  were  springing  up  among  them. 
In  1 84 1  the  African  Methodist  Magazine  appeared,  the  first 
organ  of  religious  communication  and  thought  issued  by  the 
American  colored  people.  It  was  published  in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y., 
Rev.  George  Hogarth  being  its  editor. 

There  were  papers  published  by  the  colored  people  prior  to 
the  appearance  of  the  African  Methodist  Magazine,  but  these 
were  individual  enterprises.  They  were,  however,  indices  of 
the  thought  of  the  race,  and  looking  back  upon  them  now,  we 
may  regard  them  as  mile-stones  set  up  along  the  line  of  march 
over  which  the  people  have  come.  New  York,  city  and  State, 
appears  to  have  been  the  home  of  these  early  harbingers,  and 
it  was  there  that  the  earliest  literary  centre  was  established, 
corresponding  to  that  centre  of  religious  life  and  thought 
virhich  had  been  earlier  founded  in  Philadelphia.  In  1827  the 
first  newspaper  published  on  this  continent  by  colored  rnen 
issued  from  its  office  in  New  York7  It  was  called  "Freedom's 
Jounial^^andjhad  for  its  mottoJ'Ri^hteousness  exalteth  a  na- 
tion." Its  editors  and  proprietors  were  Me/ssrs.  Cornish  "S 
Russwurm.  Its  name  was  subsequently  changed  to  the  "Rights 
of  All,"  Mr.  Cornish  probably  retiring,  and  in  1830  it  sus- 
pended, Mr.  Russwurm  going  to  Africa.  Then  followed  "The 
Weekly  Advocate,"  "The  American,"  "The  Colored  Ameri- 
can," "The  Elevator,"  "The  National  Watchman,"  "The 
Clarion,"  "The  Ram's  Horn,"  "The  North  Star,"  "Frederick 
Douglass'  Paper,"  and  finally  that  crowning  literary  work  of 
tiie  race,  "The  Anglo- African." 


38'  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

\  "The  Anglo- African"  appeared  in  1859,  under  the  manage- 
I  tnent  of  the  strongest  and  most  brilliant  purely  literary  fami- 
]  lies  the  American  Negro  up  to  that  time  had  produced.  It  was 
\  edited  and  published  by  Thomas  Hamilton,  and  like  all  tBe 
^  important  literary  ventures  of  the  race  in  those  days,  had  its 
j  birth  in  New  York.  It  came  out  in  1859  and  continued 
/  through  the  war,  and  in  1865  went  out  of  existence  honorably. 
(  having  its  work  well  done.  Its  first  volume,  that  of  1859,  cott- 
/  tains  the  ablest  papers  ever  given  to  the  public  by  the  American 
)  Negro;  and  taken  as  a  whole  this  volume  is  the  proudest  litcr- 
/     ary  monument  the  race  has  as  yet  erected. 

Reviewing  the  progress  of  the  race  in  the  North,  we  may 
say,  the  period  of  organized  benevolence  and  united  religious 
effort  began  before  the  close  of  the  past  century,  Philadelphia 
being  its  place  of  origin :  that  the  religious  movement  reached 
n  uch  broader  and  clearer  standing  about  181 6,  and  in  conse- 
quence there  sprang  up  organizations  comprehending  the 
people  of  the  whole  country;  that  the  religious  movement  ad- 
vanced to  a  more  intellectual  stage  when  in  1841  the  African 
Methodist  Magazine  appeared,  since  which  time  the  organized 
religion  of  the  American  Negro  has  never  been  for  any  con- 
siderable time  without  its  organs  of  communication.  The 
journalistic  period  began  in  1827,  its  centre  being  New  York 
and  the  work  of  the  journals  almost  wholly  directed  to  two 
ends :  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  the  enfranchisement  and 
political  elevation  of  the  free  blacks.  This  work  had  reached 
its  highest  form  in  the  Anglo-African,  as  that  epoch  of  our 
national  history  came  to  its  close  in  the  slave-holders'  war. 

The  titles  of  the  newspapers  indicate  the  opening  and  con- 
tinuance of  a  period  of  anti-slavery  agitation.  Their  cdltimn^ 
were  filled  with  arguments  and  appeals  furnished  by  men  who 


SKETCH    OF   SOCIAL    HISTORY  39 

gave  their  whole  souls  to  the  work.  It  was  a  period  of  g^eat 
mental  activity  on  the  part  of  the  free  colored  people.  They 
were  discussing-  all  probable  methods  of  bettering  their  condi- 
tion. It  was  the  period  that  produced  both  writers  and  ora- 
tors. In  1830  the  first  convention  called  by  colored  men  to  con- 
sider the  general  condition  of  the  race  and  devise  means  to  im- 
prove that  condition,  met  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The  his- 
tory of  this  convention  is  so  important  that  I  append  a  full 
account  of  it  as  published  in  the  Anglo-African  nearly  thirty 
years  after  the  convention  met.  It  was  called  through  the  ef- 
forts of  Hezekiah  Grice,  of  Baltimore,  who  afterwards  emi- 
grated to  Hayti,  and  for  many  years  followed  there  the  occu- 
pation of  carver  and  gilder  and  finally  became  Director  of  Pub- 
lic Works  of  the  city  of  Port-au-Prince.  While  visiting  that 
city  years  ago,  I  met  a  descendant  of  Mr,  Grice,  a  lady  of  great 
personal  beauty,  charming  manners,  accomplished  in  the 
French  language,  but  incapable  of  conversing  at  all  in  English. 

The  conventions,  begun  in  1830,  continued  to  be  held  an- 
nually for  a  brief  period,  and  then  dropped  into  occasional 
and  special  gatherings.  They  did  much  good  in  the  way  of 
giving  prominence  to  the  colored  orators  and  in  stemming  the 
tide  of  hostile  sentiment  by  appealing  to,  the  country  at  large  in 
language  that  reached  many  hearts. 

The  physical  condition,  so  far  as  the  health  and  strengfth  ' 
of  the  free  colored  people  were  concerned,  was  good.  Their 
rnean  age  was  the  greatest  of  any  element  of  our  population, 
and  their  increase  was  about  normal,  or  1.50  per  cent,  annually. 
In  the  twenty  years  from  1840  to  i860  it  had  kept  up  this 
rate  with  hardly  the  slightest  variation,  while  the  increase  of 
the  free  colored  people  of  the  South  during  the  same  period 
had  been  i  per  cent,  annually.*     The  increase  of  persons  of 

*It  is  to  b€  noted  that  in  Maryland  and  Virginia  an  important  number 


40  SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY 

mixed  blood  in  the  North  did  not  necessarily  imply  laxity  of 
morals,  as  the  census  compilers  always  delig'hted  to  say,  but 
could  be  easily  accounted  for  by  the  marriages  occurring  be- 
tween persons  of  this  class.  I  have  seen  more  than  fifty  per- 
sons, all  of  mixed  blood,  descend  from  one  couple,  and  these 
with  the  persons  joined  to  them  by  marriages  as  they  have 
come  to  marriageable  age,  amounted  to  over  seventy  souls — 
all  in  about  a  half  century.  That  the  slaves  had,  despite  their 
fearful  death  rate,  the  manumissions  and  the  escapes,  increased 
twice  as  fast  as  the  free  colored  people  of  the  North,  three  times 
as  fast  as  the  f reee  colored  people  of  the  South,  and  faster  than 
the  white  people  with  all  the  immigration  of  that  period,  can  be 
accounted  for  only  by  the  enormous  birth  rate  of  that  people 
consequent  upon  their  sad  condition.  Their  increase  was  ab- 
normal, and  when  properly  viewed,  proves  too  much. 

There  is  no  way  of  determining  the  general  wealth  of  the 
colored  people  of  the  North  at  the  period  we  are  describing; 
but  some  light  may  be  thrown  upon  their  material  condition 
from  the  consideration  that  they  were  supporting  a  few  pub- 
lications and  building  and  supporting  churches,  and  were  hold- 
ers of  considerable  real  estate.  In  New  York  city,  the  thirteen 
thousand  colored  people  paid  taxes  on  nearly  a  million  and  a 
half  in  real  estate,  and  had  over  a  quarter  million  of  dollars 
in  the  savings  banks.  It  is  probable  that  the  twenty-five 
thousand  in  Philadelphia  owned  more  in  proportion  than  their 
brethren  in  New  York,  for  they  were  then  well  represented  in 
business  in  that  city.  There  were  the  Fortens,  Bowers,  Cas- 
seys,  Gordons,  and  later  Stephen  Smith,  WiKiam  Whipper 
and  Videl,  all  of  whom  were  men  of  wealth  and  business. 
There  were  nineteen  churches  owned  and  supported  by  colored 

of  white  serving  women  married  Negro  slave  men  in  the  early  days  of 
these  colonies. 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  4£ 

people  of  Philadelphia,  with  a  seating  capacity  of  about  10,000 
and  valued  at  about  $250,000. 

*The  schools  set  apart  for  colored  children  were  very  in- 
ferior and  were  often  kept  alive  by  great  sacrifices  on  the  part 
of  the  colored  people  themselves.  Prior  to  the  war  and  in 
many  cases  for  some  time  afterward,  the  colored  public  schools 
-^ere  a  disgrace  to  the  country.  A  correspondent  writing  from 
Hollidaysburg,  Pa.,  says,  speaking  of  the  school  there :  "The 
result  of  my  inquiries  here  is  that  here,  as  in  the  majority  of 
other  places,  the  interest  manifested  for  the  colored  man  is 
more  for  political  effect,  and  that  those  who  prate  the  loudest 
about  the  moral  elevation  and  political  advancement  of  the 
colored  man  are  the  first  to  turn  against  him  when  he  wants 
a  friend."  The  correspondent  then  goes  on  to  say  that  the 
school  directors  persist  in  employing  teachers  "totally  incom- 
petent." What  the  schools  were  in  New  York  the  report 
made  by  the  New  York  Society  for  the  promotion  of  Education 
among  Colored  Children  to  the  Honorable  Commissioners  for 
examining  into  the  condition  of  Common  Schools  in  the  City 
and  County  of  New  York,  will  show.  Reverend  Charles  B. 
Ray,  who  was  President  of  this  Society,  and  Philip  A.  White, 
its  Secretary,  both  continued  to  labor  in  the  interest  of  educa- 
tion unto  the  close  of  their  lives,  Mr.  White  dying  as  a  mem- 
ber  of  the  School  Board  of  the  city  of  Brooklyn,  and  Mr.  Ray 
bequeathing  his  library  to  Wilberforce  University  at  his  death. 

In  summing  up  the  conditions  which  they  have  detailed  in 

*In  1835  there  were  six  high  schools,  or  schooi'?  for  higher  education, 
m  the  United  States  that  admitted  colored  students  on  equal  footing 
with  others.  These  were:  Oneida  Institute,  New  York;  Mount  Pleas- 
ant, Amherst,  Mass.;  Canaan,  N.  H.;  Western  Reserve,  Ohio;  Gettys- 
burg, Pa.;  and  "one  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  of  which  Miss  Buff  am" 
was  "principal."  There  was  also  one  manual  labor  school  in  Madison 
County,  N.  Y.,  capable  of  accommodating  eighteen  students.  It  was 
founded  by  Gerrit  Smith. 


4j2  sketch  of  social  history 

their  report  they  say :  "From  a  comparison  of  the  sch(X>l 
houses  occupied  by  the  colored  children  with  the  splendid,  ai,- 
most  palatial  edifices,  with  manifold  comforts,  conveniences 
and  elegancies  which  make  up  the  school  houses  for  white  chil- 
dren in  the  city  of  New  York,  it  is  clearly  evident  that  the  col- 
ored children  are  painfully  neglected  and  positively  degraded. 
Pent  up  in  filthy  neighborhoods,  in  old  dilapidated  buildings, 
they  are  held  down  to  low  associations  and  gloomy  surroundr 
ings.  '■'  *  *  The  undersigned  enter  their  solemn  protest 
against  this  unjust  treatment  of  colored  children.  They  be- 
lieve with  the  experience  of  Massachusetts,  and  especially  the 
recent  experience  of  Boston  before  them,  there  is  no  sound  rea- 
son why  colored  children  shall  be  excluded  from  any  of  the 
common  schools  supported  by  taxes  levied  alike  on  whites  and 
blacks,  and  governed  by  officers  elected  by  the  vote  of  colored 
as  well  as  white  voters." 

This  petition  and  remonstrance  had  its  effect,  for  mainly 
through  its  influence  within  two  years  very  great  improve- 
ments were  made  in  the  condition  of  the  New  York  colored 
schools. 

For  the  especial  benefit  of  those  who  erroneously  think  that 
the  purpose  of  giving  industrial  education  is  a  new  thing  in 
our  land,  as  well  as  for  general  historical  purposes,  I  call  atten- 
tion to  the  establishment  of  the  Institute  for  Colored  Youth  in 
Philadelphia  in  1842.  This  Institute  was  founded  by  the  So- 
ciety of  Friends,  and  was  supported  in  its  early  days  and  pre- 
sumably still  "by  bequests  and  donations  made  by  members  ol 
that  Society."  The  objects  of  the  Institute  as  set  forth  by  its 
founders,  fifty-seven  years  ago,  are :  "The  education  and  im- 
provement of  colored  youth  of  both  sexes,  to  qualify  them  to 
act  as  teachers  and  instructors  to  their  own  people,  either  in 


SKETCH    OF    SOCIAL    HISTORY  43? 

the  various  branches  of  school  learning  or  the  mechanic  arts  ' 
and  agriculture."  Two  years  later  the  African  Methodists  ) 
purchased  one  hundred  and  eighty  acres  of  land  in  eastern  i 
"OR^^nd  established  what  was  called  the  Union  Seminary,  on  \ 
the  manual  labor  plan.  It  did  not  succeed,  but  it  lingered  along, 
keeping  alive  the  idea,  until  it  was  eclipsed  by  Wilberforce 
University,  into  which  it  was  finally  merged. 

The  anti-slavery  fight  carried  on  in  the  North,  into  which 
the  colored  men  entered  and  became  powerful  leaders,  aroused 
the  race  to  a  deep  study  of  the  whole  subject  of  liberty  and 
brought  them  in  sympathy  with  all  people  who  had  either  gained 
or  were  struggling  for  their  liberties,  and  prompted  them  to  in- 
vestigate all  countries  offering  to  them  freedom.     No  country 
was  so  well  studied  by  them  as  Hayti,  and  from  1824  to  i860 
there  had  been  considerable  emigration  thither,    Liberia,  Cen- 
tral and  South  America  and  Canada  were  all  considered  under 
the  thought  of  emigration.    Thousands  went  to  Hayti  and  to 
Canada,  but  the  bulk  preferred  to  remain  here.     They  liked 
America,  and  had  become  so  thoroughly  in  love  with  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Republic,  so  imbued  with  the  pride  of  the  na- 
tion's history,  50  inspired  with  hope  in  the  nation's  future,  that 
they  resolved  to  live  and  die  on  her  soil.    When  the  troublous 
times  of  i860  came  and  white  men  were  fleeing  to  Canada,  col- 
ore3~m en  reinamed  at  their  posts.     They  were  ready  to  stand 
by  the  old  flag  and  to  take  up  anus  for  the  Union,  trusting  that 
before  the  close  of  the  strife  the  flag  might  have  to  them  a 
new  meaning.    An  impassioned  colored  orator  had  said  of  the  / 
flag :     "Its  stars  were  for  the  white  man,  and  its  stripes  foi  { 
the  Negro,  and  it  was  very  appropriate  that  the  stripes  should  i 
be  red."    The  free  Negro  of  the  North  was  prepared  in  1861  I 
to  support  Abraham  Lincoln  with  40,000  as  good  American- 1 
born  champions  for  universal  liberty  as  the  country  could  pre-  : 
sent. 


44  THE    FIRST    COLORED    CONVENTION 


NOTES. 
THE  FIRST  COLORED  CONVENTION. 


On  the  fifteenth  day  of  September,  1830,  there  was  held  at 
Bethel  Church,  in  the  city  of  Philadelpliia,  the  first  convention  of 
the  colored  people  of  these  United  States.  It  was  an  event  of 
historical  importance;  and,  whether  we  regard  the  times  or  the 
men  of  whom  this  assemblage  was  composed,  we  find  matter 
for  interesting  and  profitable  consideration. 

Emancipation  had  just  taken  place  in  New  York,  and  had  just 
been  arrested  in  Virginia  by  the  Nat  Turner  rebellion  and  Walk- 
er's pamphlet.  Secret  sessions  of  the  legislatures  of  the  several 
Southern  States  had  been  held  to  deliberate  upon  the  produc- 
tion of  a  colored  man  who  had  coolly  recommended  to  his  fel- 
low blacks  the  only  solution  to  the  slave  question,  which,  after 
twenty-five  years  of  arduous  labor  of  the  most  hopeful  and 
noble-hearted  of  the  abolitionists,  seems  the  forlorn  hope  of 
freedom  to-day — insurrection  and  bloodshed.  Great  Britain 
was  in  the  midst  of  that  bloodless  revolution  which,  two  years 
afterwards,  culminated  in  the  passage  of  the  Reform  Bill, 
and  thus  prepared  the  joyous  and  generous  state  of  the  British 
heart  which  dictated  the  West  India  Emancipation  Act.  France 
was  rejoicing  in  the  not  bloodless  trots  jours  de  Juliet.  Indeed, 
the  whole  world  seemd  stirred  up  with  a  universal  excitement, 
which,  when  contrasted  with  the  universal  panics  of  1837  and 
1857,  leads  one  to  regard  as  more  than  a  philosophical  specula- 
tion the  doctrine  of  those  who  hold  the  life  of  mankind  from  the 
creation  as  but  one  life,  beating  with  one  heart,  animated  v^th 
one  soul,  tending  to  one  destiny,  although  made  up  of  millions 
upon  millions  of  molecular  lives,  gifted  with  their  infinite  variety 
of  attractions  and  repulsions,  which  regulate  or  crystallize  them 
into  evanescent  substructures  or  organizations,  which  we  call 
nationalities  and  empires  and  peoples  and  tribes,  whose  minute 
actions  and  reactions  on  each  other  are  the  histories  which  ab- 
sorb our  attention,  whilst  the  grand  universal  life  moves  on  be- 


THE    FIRST    COLORED    CONVENTION  45 

yond  our  ken,  or  only  guessed  at,  as  the  astronomers  shadow 
out  movements  of  our  solar  system  around  or  towards  some  dis- 
tant unknown  centre  of  attraction. 

_If.,th£  tili^'ss  of  1830  were  eventful,  there  were  among  our  peo- 
ple, as  well  as  among  other  peoples,  men  equal  to  the  occasion. 
We  had  giants  in  those  days !  There  were  Bishop  Allen,  the 
founder  of  the  great  Bethel  connection  of  Methodists,  combin- 
ing in  his  person  the  fiery  zeal  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  with  the 
skill  and  power  of  organizing  of  a  Richelieu;  the  meek  but 
equally:  efhci^rLt_^Rush  (who  yet  reriiains_\vith  _us  in^  fulfilnient 
of  the  Scripture),  the  father  of  the  Zion  Alethodists;  Paul, 
wTiosTspfendix!  presence" and  stately  eloquence  in  the  pulpit,  and 
whose  grand  baptisms  in  the  waters  of  Boston  harbor  are  a 
living  tradition  in  all  New  England ;  the  saintly  and  sainted 
Peter  Williams,  whose  views  of  the  best  means  of  our  elevation 
are  m  triumphant  activity  to-day ;  WilHam_HamiIton,  the  thinker 
and  actor,  whose  sparse  specimens  of  eloquence  we  wilt  one  day 
placg_  in  oilded  frames  as  rare  and  beautiful  specimens  of  Etriis"^ 
can  art — iWiXIiam  Hamilton,__iYho-  fou:ryjears  afterwards,  during 
the  New  York  riots,  when  met  in  the  street,  loaded  down  with 
iron  missiles,  and  asked  where  he  was  going,  replied,  "To  die 
on  my  threshold";  Watkins,  of  Baltimore ;  Frederick  Hinton,  a 
with  his  polished  eloquence;  James  Forten,  the  merchant  Q 
prince;  William  Whipper,  just  essaying  his  youthful  powers; 
Lewis  Woodson  and  John  Peck,  of  Pittsburg;  Austin  Steward, 
then  of  Rochester;  Samuel  E.  Cornish,  who  lir.d  the  distinguished 
honor  of  reasoning  "Gerrit  Smith  out  of  colonization,  and  of  tell- 
ing Henry  Clay  that  he  would  never  be  president  of  anything 
higher  than  the  American  Colonization  Society;  Philip  A.  Bell, 
the  born  sabreur,  who  never  feared  the  face  of  clay,  and  a  hun- 
dred others,  were  the  worthily  leading  spirits_amon^  the  colored 
people.  ■''  ~"  " 

And  yet  the  idea  of  the  iirst  colored  convenlion  did  nol  origi- 
nate with  any  of  these  distinguished  men ;  it  came  from  a  young 
man  of  Baltimore,  then,  and  still,  unknown  to  fame.  Born  in 
that  city  in  iSoi,  he  was  in  1817  apprenticed  to  a  man  some 
two  hundred  miles  off  in  the  Southeast.  Arriving  at  his  field  of 
labor,  he  worked  hard  nearly  a  week  and  received  poor  fare 
in  return.  One  day,  while  at  v/ork  near  the  house,  the  mis- 
tress came  out  and  gave  him  a  furious  scolding,  so  furious,  in- 
deed, that  her  husband  mildly  interfered;  she  drove  the  latter 
away,  and  threatened  to  take  the  Baltimore  out  of  the  lad  with 


46  THE    FIRST    COLORED    CONVEKTION 

cowhide,  etc.,  etc.  At  this  moment,  to  use  his  own  expression, 
the  lad  became  converted  ,that  is,  he  determined  to  be  his  own 
master  as  long  as  he  lived.  Early  nightfall  found  him  on  his 
way  to  Baltimore  which  he  reached  after  a  severe  journey  which 
tested  his  energy  and  ingenuity  to  the  utmost.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-three  he  was  engaged  in  the  summer  time  in  supplying 
Baltimore  with  ice  from  his  cart,  and  in  winter  in  cutting  up 
pork  for  Ellicotts'  establishment.  He  must  have  been  strong 
and  swift  with  knife  and  cleaver,  for  in  one  day  he  cut  up  and 
dressed  some  four  hundred  and  fifteen  porkers. 

In  1824  our  young  friend  fell  in  with  Benjamin  Lundy,  and  in 
1828-9,  with  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  editors  and  publishers  of 
the  "Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,"  a  radical  anti-slavery 
paper,  whose  boldness  would  put  the  "National  Era"  to  shame, 
printed  and  published  in  the  slave  State  of  Maryland.  In  1829-30 
the  colored  people  of  the  free  States  were  much  excited  on  the 
subject  of  emigration;  there  had  been  an  emigration  to  Hayti, 
and  also  to  Canada,  and  some  had  been  driven  to  Liberia  by  the 
severe  laws  and  brutal  conduct  of  the  fermenters  of  colonizatioa 
in  Virginia  and  Maryland.  In  some  districts  of  these  States 
the  disguised  whites  would  enter  the  houses  of  free  colored  men 
at  night,  and  take  them  out  and  give  them  from  thirty  to  fifty 
lashes,  to  get  them  to  consent  to  go  to  Liberia. 

It  was  in  the  spring  of  1830  that  the  young  man  we  have 
sketched,  J;Iezekiah  Grice,  conceived  the  plan  of  calling  together 
a  meeting  or*"convenTron  of  colored  men,  in  some  place  north 
of  the  Potomac,  for  the  purpose  of  comparing  views  and  of 
adopting  a  harmonious  movement  either  of  emigration  or  of  de- 
termination to  remain  in  the  United  States ;  convinced  of  the 
hopelessness  of  contending  against  the  oppressions  in  the 
United  States,  living  in  the  very  depth  of  that  oppression  and 
wrong,  his  own  views  looked  to  Canada ;  but  he  held  them  sub- 
ject to  the  decision  of  the  majority  of  the  convention  which 
might  assemble. 

On  the  2d  of  April,  1830,  he  addressed  a  written  circular  to 
prominent  colored  men  in  the  free  States,  requesting  their  opin- 
ions on  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  holding  such  convention, 
and  stated  that  if  the  opinions  of  a  sufificient  number  warranted 
it,  he  would  give  time  and  place  at  which  duly  elected  delegates 
might  assemble.  Four  months  passed  away,  and  his  spirit  al- 
most died  within  him,  for  he  had  not  received  a  line  from  any 


THE    FIRST    COLORED    CONVENTION  47 

o«e  in  reply.  When  he  visited  Mr.  Garrison  in  his  office,  and 
stated  his  project,  Mr.  Garrison  took  up  a  copy  of  Walker's 
Appeal,  and  said,  although  it  might  be  right,  yet  it  was  too  early 
to  have  published  such  a  book. 

On  the  I  ith  of  August,  howeyerj  he  received  a  sudden  an_d 
peremptory  order  from  Bishop  Allen  to  come  instantly  to  Phil- 
adelphia, about  the  emigration  matter.  He  went,  and  found  a 
meeting  assembled  to  consider  the  conflicting  reports  on  Can- 
ada of  Messrs.  Lewis  and  Dutton ;  at  a  subsequent  meeting, 
held  the  next  night,  and  near  the  adjournment,  the  Bishop  called 
Mr.  Grice  aside  and  gave  to  him  to  read  a  printed  circular, 
issued  from  New  York  City,  strongly  approving  of  l^.Ir.  Grice's 
plan  of  a  convention,  and  signed  by  Peter  Williams,  Peter  \''o- 
gelsang  and  Thomas  L.  Jinnings.  The  Bishop  added,  "My 
dear  child,  we  must  take  some  action  immediately,  or  else  these 
New  Yorkers  will  get  ahead  of  us."  The  Bishop  left  the  meet- 
ing to  attend  a  lecture  on  chemistry  by  Dr.  Wells,  of  Baltimore. 
Mr.  Grice  introduced  the  subject  of  the  convention;  and  a  com- 
mittee consisting  of  Bishop  Allen,  Benjamin  Pascal,  Cyrus 
Black,  James  Cornish  and  Junius  C.  Morel,  were  appointed  to 
lay  the  matter  before  the  colored  people  of  Philadelphia.  This 
committee,  led,  doubtless,  by  Bishop  Allen,  at  once  issued  a 
call  for  a  convention  of  the  colored  men  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  on  the  15th  of  September, 
r830. 

Mr.  Grice  returned  to  Baltimore  rejoicing  at  the  success  of 
his  project ;  but,  in  the  same  boat  which  bore  him  down  the 
Chesapeake,  he  was  accosted  by  Mr.  ZoUickoffer,  a  member  of 
the  Society  of  Friends,  a  Philadelphian,  and  a  warm  and  tried 
friend  of  the  blacks.  Mr.  ZoUickoffer  used  arguments,  and  even 
entreaties,  to  dissuade  Mr.  Grice  from  holding  the  convention, 
pointing  out  the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  the  same  should  it 
succeed,  and  the  deep  injury  it  would  do  the  cause  in  case  of  fail- 
ure.    Of  course,  it  was  reason  and  entreaty  thrown  away. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  September,  Mr.  Grice  again  landed  in 
Philadelphia,  and  in  the  fulness  of  his  expectation  asked  every 
colored  man  he  met  about  the  convention ;  no  one  knew  any- 
thing about  it ;  the  first  man  did  not  know  the  meaning  of  the 
^ord,  and  another  man  said,  "Who  ever  heard  of  colored  people 
'holding  a  convention — convention,  indeed!"  Finally,  reaching 
"^fie^'plaice  "ofrneeting,  he  found.  In  solemn  conclave,  the  five 


48  THE    FIRST    COLOKED    CONVENTION 

gentlemen  uho  had  constituted  themselves  delegates:  with  a 
warm  welcome  from  Bishop  Allen,  Mr.  Grice,  who  came  witk 
credentials  from  the  people  of  Baltimore,  was  admitted  as 
delegate.  A  little  while  after,  I^r..  Burtorij.  of  ...Philadelphia, 
dropped  in,  and  demanded  by  what  right  the  six  gentlemen 
held  their  seats  as  members  of  the  convention.  On  a  hint  from 
Bishop  Allen,  Mr.  Pascal  moved  that  Dr.  Burton  be  elected  an 
"honorary  member  of  the  convention,  which  softened  the  Doctor. 
In  half  an  hour,  five  or  six  grave,  stern-looking  men,  members 
of  the  Zion  Methodist  body  in  Philadelphia,  entered,  and  de- 
manded to  know  by  what  right  the  mem.bers  present  held  their 
seats  and  undertook  to  represent  the  colored  people.  Another 
iiint  from  the  Bishop,  and  it  was  moved  that  these  gentlemen 
be  etecf ed' Tfoiiorary  members.  But  the  gentlemen  would  submit 
to  no  such  thing,  and  would  accept  nothing  short  of  full  mem- 
bership, which  was  granted  them. 

Among  the  delegates  were  Abraham  Shadd,  of  Delaware ; 
J.  W.  C.  Pennington,  of  Brooklyn;  Austin  Steward,  of  Roch- 
ester; Horace  Easton,  of  Boston,  and Adams,  of  Utica. 

The  main  subject  of  discussion  was  emigration  to  Canada; 
Jumus  C.  Morel,  chairm.ari  of  a  committee  on  that  subject,  pre- 
sented a  report,  on  which  there  was  a  two  days'  discussion ;  the 
point  discussed  was  that  the  report  stated  that  "ihe  lands  ,.m 
Canada  were  synonymous  with  those  of  the  Northern.  §iates-.' 
The  word  svnonymous  was  objected  to,  and  the  word  similar^ 
proposed  i n  1 1 TTtead! ~^I r .  Morel,  with  great  vigor  and  inge- 
nuity, defended  the  report,  but  was  finally  voted  down,  and  the 
word  similar  adopted.  The  convention  reccniiDCDdeiUemigra- 
tion  to  Canada,  passed  strong  resolutions  against  the  American 
Colonization  Society,  and  at  its  adjournment  appointed  the  next 
annual  convention  of  the  people  of  color  to  be  held  in  Philadel- 
phia, on  the  first  Monday  in  June,  183 1. 

At  the  present  day,  when  colored  conventions  are  almost 
as  frequent  as  church  meetings,  it  is  difficult  to  estimate  the 
bold  and  daring  spirit  which  inaugurated  the  Colored  Conven- 
tion of  1830.  It  was  the  right  move,  originating  in  the  right 
quarter  and  at  the  right  time.  Glorious  old  Maryland,  or,  as 
one  speaking  in  the  view  that  climate  grows  the  men,  would 
V  say, — Maryland-Virginia  region, — which  has  produced  Benjamin 
■  Banneker,  Nat.  Turner,  Frederick  Douglass,  the  parents  of  Ira 
Aldridge.  Henry  Highland  Garnett  and  Sam.  Ringold  Ward. 


THE    FIRST    COLOFED    CONVENTION  49' 

also  produced  the  founder  of  colored  conventions,  Hezekiah 
^rice !  At  that  time,  in  the  prime  of  his  young  manhood,  he 
must  have  presented  the  front  of  one  equal  to  any  fortune, 
able  to  achieve  any  undertaking.  Standing  six  feet  high,  well- 
proportioned,  of  a  dark  bronze  complexion,  broad  brow,  and 
that  stamp  of  features  out  of  which  the  Greek  sculptor  would 
have  delighted  to  mould  the  face  of  Vulcan — he  was,  to  the 
fullest  extent,  a  working  man  of  such  sort  and  magnetism  as 
would  lead  his  fellows  where  he  listed. 

In  looking  to  the  important  results  that  grew  out  of  this 
convention,  the  independence  of  thougl.ii  and  self-assertion  of 
the  black  man  are  the  most  remarkable.  Then^  the  union  jpi 
purpose  and  union  of  strength  which  grew  out  of  the^ acquaint- 
anceship and  mutual  pledges  of  colored  men  from  different 
SfatSSV  Theii,  the  subsequent  conventions,  where  the  great  men 
we  have  already  named,  and  others,  appeared  and  took  part  in 
the  discussions  with  manifestations  of  zeal,  talent  and  ability, 
which  attracted  Garrison,  the  Tappans,  Jocelyn  and  others  of 
that  noble  host,  who,  drawing  no  small  portion  of  their  inspira- 
tion from  their  black  brethren  in  bonds,  did  manfully  fight  in 
'tjie^  days  of  "anti-slavery  which  trief!  men's  souls,  and  when, 
~tobe  an  aboTftlonlst,  was,  to  a  large  extent,  to  be  a  martyr. 

We  cannot  help  adding  the  thought  that  had  these  conven- 
tions of  the  colored  people  of  the  United  States  continued 
their  annual  sittings  from  1830  until  the  present  time,  the  re- 
sult would  doubtless  have  been  greater  general  progress  among 
our  people  themselves,  a  more  united  front  to  meet  past  and 
coming  exigencies,  and  a  profounder  hold  upon  the  public  at- 
tention, and  a  deeper  respect  on  the  part  of  our  enemies  than 
we  now  can  boast  of.  Looking  at  public  opinion  as  it  is,  the 
living  law  of  the  land,  and  yet  a  malleable,  ductile  entity,  which 
can  be  moulded,  or  at  least  affected,  by  the  thoughts  of  any 
masses  \agorously  expressed,  we  should  have  become  a  power 
on  earth,  of  greater  strength  and  influence  than  in  our  present 
scattered  and  dwindled  state  we  dare  even  dream  of.  The 
very  announcement.  "Thirtieth  Annual  Convention  of  the  Col- 
ored People  of  the  United  States,''  would  bear  a  majestic  front. 
Our  great  gathering  at  Rochester  in  1853.  commanded  not  only 
public  attention,  but  respect  and  admiration.  Should  we  have 
.such  a  gathering  even  now,  once  a  year,  not  encumbered  with 
elaborate  plans  of  action,  with  too  many  wheels  within  wheels. 


50  THE    KIRSr    a^LORED    CONVENTION 

we  can  yet  regain  much  of  the  ground  lost.  The  partial  gath- 
ering at  Boston,  the  other  day,  has  already  assumed  its  place  in 
the  public  mind,  and  won  its  way  into  the  calculations  of  the 
politicians. 

Our  readers  will  doubtless  be  glad  to  learn  the  subsequent 
history  of  Mr.  Grice.  He  did  not  attend  the  second  conven- 
tion, but  in  the  interval  between  the  second  and  third  he  formed, 
in  the  city  of  Baltimore,  a  "Legal  Rights  Association,"  for  the_^ 
purpose  of  ascertaining  the  legal  status  of  the  colored  man  in 
the  United  States.  It  was  entirely  composed  of  colored  men, 
among  whom  were  Mr.  Watkins  (the  colored  Baltimorean), 
Mr.  Deaver,  and  others.  Air.  Grice  called  on  William  Wirt,  and 
asked  him  "what  he  charged~Tor  his  opinion"  on  a  given  sub- 
ject." "Fifty  dollars."  "Then,  sir,  I  will  give  you  fifty  dollars 
if  you  will  give  me  your  opinion  on  the  legal  condition  of  a  free 
colored  man  in  these  United  States." 

Mr.  Wirt  required  the  questions  to  be  written  out  in  proper 
form  before  he  could  answer  them.  Mr.  Grice  employed  Tyson, 
who  drew  up  a  series  of  questions,  based  upon  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  and  relating  to  the  rights  and  citizen- 
ship of  the  free  black.  He  carried  the  questions  to  Mr.  Wirt, 
;  who,  glancing  over  them,  said,  "Really,  sir,  my  position  as  an 
'■  officer  under  the  government  renders  it  a  delicate  matter  for  me 
to  answer  these  questions  as  they  should  be  answered,  but  I'll 
tell  you  what  to  do :  they  should  be  answered,  and  by  the  best 
legal  talent  in  the  land ;  do  you  go  to  Philadelphia,  and  present 
my  name  to  Horace  Binney,  and  he  will  give  you  an  answer 
satisfactory  to  you.  and  which  viill  command  the  greatest  re- 
spect throughout  the  land."  Mr.  Grice  went  to  Philadelphia, 
and  presented  the  questions  and  request  to  Horace  Binney. 
This  gentleman  pleaded  age  and  poor  eyesight,  but  told  Mc 
Grice  that  if  he  w-ould  call  on  John  Sargent  he  would  get  an- 
swers of  requisite  character  and  weight.  Pie  called  on  John 
Sargent,  who  promptly  agreed  to  answer  the  questions  if  Mr. 
Binney  would  allow  his  name  to  be  associated  as  an  authority 
in  the  replies.  Mr.  Binney  again  declined,  and  so  the  matter 
fell  through.  This  is  what  Mr.  Grice  terms  his  "Dred  Scott 
case"and  so  it  was. 

He  attended  the  convention  of  1832,  but  by  some  informality, 
or  a  want  of  credentials,  was  not  permitted  to  sit  as  full  mem- 
ber!— Saul   ejected   from   among  the   prophets! — Yet   he   was 


THE    FIRST    COLORED    CONVKN'TION  5 1 

heard  on  the  subject  of  rights,  and  the  doctrine  of  "our  rights,"  / 
as  well  as  the  first  colored,  convention,  are  due  to  the  same  man.  ' 

In  1832,  chagrined  at  the  colored  people  of  the  United  States, 
he  migrated  to  Hayti,  where,  until  1843,  ^^  pursued  the  business 
of  carver  and  gilder.  In  the  latter  year  he  was  appointed  Di- 
rector of  Public  Works  in  Port-au-Prince,  which  ofiice  he  held 
until  two  years  ago.  He  is  also  engaged  in,  and  has  wide 
knowledge  of  machinery  and  engineering.  Every  two  or  three 
years  he  visits  New  York,  and  is  welcomed  to  the  arcana  of 
such  men  as  James  J.  Mapes,  the  Bensons,  Dunhams,  and  at  . 
the  various  works  where  steam  and  iron  obey  human  ingenuity 
in  our  city.  He  is  at  present  in  this  city,  lodging  at  the  house 
of  the  widow  of  his  old  friend  and  coadjutor,  Thomas  L.  Jin- 
nings,  133  Reade  street.  We  have  availed  ourselves  of  his 
presence  among  us  to  glean  from  him  the  statements  which  we  l 
have  imperfectly  put  together  in  this  article. 

We  cannot  dismiss  this  subject  without  the  remark,  of  pecu- 
liar pertinence  at  this  moment,  that  it  would  have  been  better 
for  our  people  had  Mr.  Cjrice  never  left  these  United  States. 
The  twenty-seven  years  he  has  passed  in  Hayti,  although  not 
without  their  mark  on  the  fortunes  of  that  island,  are  3'et  with 
out  such  mark  as  he  would  have  made  in  the  land  and  upon  the 
institutions  among  which  he  was  born.  So  early  as  his  thirty-  * 
second  year,  before  he  had  reached  his  intellectual  prime,  fie 
had  inaugurated  two  of  the  leading  ideas  on  which  our  people 
have  since  acted,  conventions  to  consider  and  alleviate  their 
grievances,  and  the  struggle  for  legal  rights.  If  he  did  such 
things  in  early  youth,  what  might  he  not  have  done  w'ith  the 
full  force  and  bent  of  his  matured  intellect  ?  And  where,  in  the 
wide  world,  in  what  region,  or  under  what  sun,  could  he  so 
effectually  have  labored  to  elevate  the  black  man  as  on  this  soil 
and  under  American  institutions  ? 

So  profoundly  are  we  opposed  to  the  favorite  doctrine  of  the  I 
Puritans  and  their  co-workers,  the  colonizationists — Ubi  Lib- 
ertas,  ibi  Patria — that  we  could  almost  beseech  Divine  Provi- 
<lence  to  reverse  some  past  events  and  to  fling  back  into  the 
heart  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  their  Sam  Wards,  Highland 
Garnets,  J.  W.  Penningtons,  Frederick  Douglasses,  and  the 
twenty  thousand  who  now  shout  hosannas  in  Canada — and  we 
would  soon  see  some  stirring  in  the  direction  of  Ubi  Patria,  ibi 
Libertas. — Anglo- African    Magazine,    October,    1859. 


52 


ElU-eATIOX    AMdNC    COLORED    CHILDREN 


B. 

COMMUNICATION  FROM  THE  NEW  YORK  SOCIETY 
FOR  THE   PROMOTION   OF  EDUCATION 
AMONG  COLORED  CHILDREN. 
To  the  Honorable  the  Commissioners  for  examining  into  the 
condition  of  Common  Schools  in  the  City  and  County  of 
New  York. 
The  following  statement  in  relation  to  the  colored  schools  in 
said  city  and  county  is  respectfully  presented  by  the  New  York 
Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Education  among  Colored  Chil- 
dren : 

1.  The  number  of  colored  children  in  the  city  and  county  of 
New  York  (estimated  in  1855,  from  the  census  of  1850),  be- 
tween the  ages  of  4  and  17  years 3,000 

a.  Average  attendance  of  colored  children  at  public 

schools  in  1855   913 

Average  attendance  of  colored  children  in 
corporate  schools  supported  by  school  fimds 
(Colored  Orphan  Asylinn) 240 

b.  Proportion  of  average  attendance  in  public 
schools  of  colored  children  to  whole  number 
of  same  is  as  i  to  2.60. 

2.  The  number  of  Vvhite  children  in  the  city  of  New 
York  in  1855  (estimated  as  above),  between  the  ages  of 

4  and  17  years   159,000 

a.  Average  attendance  of  while  children  in  public 

schools  in  1855 .43,858 

Average  attendance  of  white  children  in 
corporate  schools  supported  by  public 
funds   2,826 

46.684 

b.  Proportion  of  average  attendance  of  white  chil- 
dren in  public  schools  to  v.hoIc  number  of  same 
is  as  I  to  3.40. 

3.  From  these  facts  it  appears  that  colored  children  attend 
the  public  schools  (and  schools  supported  by  public  funds  in 
the  city  of  New  York)  in  the  proportion  of  i  to  2.60,  and  that 
the  white  children  attend  similar  schools  in  said  city  in  the  pro- 
portion of  I  to  3.40;  that  is  to  say,  nearly  25  per  cent,  more  of 
colored  children  than  of  wliite  children  attend  the  public  schools. 


EDUCATION    AMONG    COLORED    CHILDREN  53 

and  schools  supported  by  public  funds  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
4.     The  number  of  colored  children  attending  private  schools 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  125. 

a.  The  number  of  white  children  attendinj^  private 
schools  in  1850,  census  gave  10,560,  which  number  has  since 
been  increased  by  the  establishment  of  Catholic  parochial 
schools,   estimated  in    1856,    17,560. 

b.  The  proportion  of  colored  children  attending  private 
schools  to  white  children  attending  same,  is  as  i  to  140. 

c.  But  the  average  attendance  of  colored  children  in  all 
schools  is  about  the  same  as  that  of  the  white  in  propor- 
tion, that  is  to  say,  as  many  colored  children  attend  the 
public  schools  as  do  whites  attend  l^otli  public  and  private 
schools,  in  proportion  to  the  whole  number  of  each  class 
of   children. 

Locality,  capability,  etc.,  of  colored  schools. 

1.  The  Board  of  Education,  since  its  organization,  has 
expended  in  sites  and  buildings  for  white  schools  $1,600,000. 

b.  The  Board  of  Education  has  expended  for  sites  and 
buildings  for  colored  schools  (addition  to  building  leased 
19  Thomas),  $1,000. 

c.  The  two  schoolhouses  in  possession  of  the  Board 
now  used  for  colored  children  were  assigned  to  same  by 
the  Old  Public  School  Society. 

2.  The  proportion  of  colored  children  to  white  children 
attending  public  schools  is  as  i  to  40. 

a.  The  sum  expended  on  school  buildings  and  sites  of 
colored  and  white  schools  by  the  Board  of  Education  is  as 
I  to   1,600. 

3.  a.  Schoolhouse  No.  i.  for  colored  children,  is  an  old 
building,  erected  in  1820  by  the  New  York  Manumission  Society 
as  a  school  for  colored  children,  in  Mulberry  street,  in  a  poor 
but  decent  locality.  It  has  two  departments,  one  male  and  one 
female ;  it  consists  of  two  stories  only,  and  has  two  small  reci- 
tation rooms  on  each  floor,  but  as  primary  as  well  as  grammar 
children  attend  each  department,  much  difficulty  and  confusion 
arises  from  the  want  of  class  room  for  the  respective  studies. 
The  building  covers  only  part  of  the  lot,  and  as  it  is  the  best 
attended  and  among  the  best  taught  of  the  colored  schools,  a 
new  and  ample  school  building,  erected  in  this  place,  would 
prove  a  great  attraction,  and  could  be  amply  filled  bv  children. 


54  EDUCATION    AMONG     COLORED    CHILDREN 

b.  Schoolhouse  No.  2,  erected  in  Laurens  street  more- 
than  twenty  years  ago  for  colored  children  by  the  Public 
School  Society,  is  in  one  of  the  lowest  and  filthiest  neigh- 
borhoods, and  hence,  although  it  has  competent  teachers 
in  the  male  and  female  departments,  and  a  separate  pri- 
mary department,  the  attendance  has  always  been  slender, 
and  will  be  until  the  school  is  removed  to  a  neighborhood 
where  children  may  be  sent  without  danger  to  their  morals. 

c.  School  No.  3,  for  colored  children,  in  Yorkville,  is 
an  old  building,  is  well  attended,  and  deserves,  in  connection 
with  Schoolhouse  No.  4,  in  Harlem,  a  new  building  midway 
between  the  present  localities. 

d.  Schoolhouse  No.  5,  for  colored  children,  is  an  old 
building,  leased  at  No.  19  Thomas  street,  a  most  degraded 
neighborhood,  full  of  filth  and  vice ;  yet  the  attendance  on 
this  school,  and  the  excellence  of  its  teachers,  earn  for  it  the 
need  of  a  new  site  and  new  building. 

e.  Schoolhouse  No.  6,  for  colored  children,  is  in  Broad- 
way, near  37th  street,  in  a  dwelling  house  leased  and  fitted 
up  for  a  school,  in  which  there  is  always  four  feet  of  water 
in  the  cellar.  The  attendance  good.  Some  of  the  school 
officers  have  repeatedly  promised  a  new  building. 

f.  Primary  school  for  colored  children,  No.  i,  is  in  the 
basement  of  a  church  on  15th  street,  near  7th  avenue, 
in  a  good  location,  but  premises  too  small  for  the  attend- 
ance ;  no  recitation  rooms,  and  is  perforce  both  primary 
and  grammar  school,  to  the  injury  of  the  progress  of  all. 

g.  Primary  schools  for  colored  children.  No.  2  and  3, 
are  in  the  rear  of  church,  in  2d  street,  near  6th  avenue;  the 
rooms  are  dark  and  cheerless,  and  without  the  needful 
facilities  of  sufficient  recitation  rooms,  etc. 

From  a  comparison  of  the  schoolhouses  with  the  splendid, 
almost  palatial  edifices,  with  manifold  comforts,  conveniences 
and  elegancies  which  make  up  the  schoolhouses  for  white  chil- 
dren in  the  city  of  New  York,  it  is  evident  that  the  colored 
children  are  painfully  neglected  and  positively  degraded.  Pent 
up  in  filthy  neighborhoods,  in  old  and  dilapidated  buildings, 
they  are  held  down  to  low  associations  and  gloomy  surround- 
ings. 

Yet  Mr.  Superintendent  Kiddle,  at  a  general  examination  of 
colored  schools  held  in  Jwly  last  (for  silver  medals  awarded  by 


EDUCATION    AMONO    COLORED    CHILDREN  55 

the  society  now  addressing  your  honorable  body)  declared  the 
reading  and  spelling  equal  to  that  of  any  schools  in  the  city. 

The  undersigned  enter  their  solemn  protest  against  this  un- 
just treatment  of  colored  children.  They  believe  with  the  experi- 
ence of  Massachusetts,  and  especially  the  recent  experience  of 
Boston  before  them,  there  is  no  sound  reason  why  colored  chil- 
dren shall  be  excluded  from  any  of  the  common  schools  sup- 
ported by  taxes  levied  alike  on  whites  and  blacks,  and  governed 
by  officers  elected  by  the  vote  of  colored  as  well  as  white  voters. 

But  if  in  the  judgment  of  your  honorable  body  common 
schools  are  not  thus  common  to  all,  then  we  earnestly  pray  you 
to  recommend  to  the  Legislature  such  action  as  shall  cause  the 
Board  of  Education  of  this  city  to  erect  at  least  two  well-ap- 
pointed modern  grammar  schools  for  colored  children  on  suit- 
able sites,  in  respectable  localities,  so  that  the  attendance  of 
colored  children  may  be  increased  and  their  minds  be  elevatedl 
in  like  manner  as  the  happy  experience  of  the  honorable  Board 
of  Education  has  been  in  the  matter  of  white  children. 

In  addition  to  the  excellent  impulse  to  colored  youth  which- 
these  new  grammar  schools  would  give,  they  will  have  the  addi- 
tional argument  of  actual  economy ;  the  children  will  be  taught 
with  far  less  expense  in  two  such  schoolhouses  than  in  the  half 
dozen  hovels  into  which  they  are  now  driven.  It  is  a  costly 
piece  of  injustice  which  educates  the  white  scholar  in  a  palace 
at  $io  per  year  and  the  colored  pupil  in  a  hovel  at  $17  or  $18 
per  annum. 

Taxes,  etc.,  of  colored  population  of  the  city. 

No  proposition  can  be  more  reasonable  than  that  they  who 
pay  taxes  for  schools  and  schoolhouses  should  be  provided  with 
schools  and  schoolhouses.  The  colored  population  of  this  city, 
in  proportion  to  their  numbers,  pay  their  full  share  of  the  gen- 
eral and  therefore  of  the  school  taxes.  There  are  about  nine 
thousand  adults  of  both  sexes ;  of  these  over  three  thousand 
are  householders,  rent-payers,  and  therefore  tax-payers,  in  that 
sense  of  the  word  in  which  owners  make  tax-payers  of  their 
poor  tenants.  The  colored  laboring  man,  with  an  income  of 
$200  a  year,  who  pays  $72  per  year  for  a  room  and  bedroom, 
is  really  in  proportion  to  his  means  a  larger  tax-payer  than  the 
millionaire  whose  tax  rate  is  thousands  of  dollars. 

But  directly,  also,  do  the  colored  people  pay  taxes.  From 
examinations  carefully  made,  the  undersigned  affirm  that  there 


5-6  EDUCATION    AMONG     c:OLOREl)    CHILDREN 

are  in  the  city  at  least  i.ooo  colored  persons  who  own  and  pay 

taxes  on  real  estate. 

Taxed  real  estate  in  the  city  of  New  York  owned 

by  colored  persons $1,400,000 

Untaxed  by  colored  persons  (churches) 250,000 

Personal  estate    710,000 

Money  in  savings  banks 1,121,000 

$3,481,000 

These  figures  indicate  that  in  proportion  to  their  numbers, 
the  colored  population  of  this  city  pay  a  fair  share  of  the  school 
taxes,  and  that  they  have  been  most  unjustly  dealt  with.  Their 
money  has  been  used  to  purchase  sites  and  erect  and  fit  up 
schoolhouses  for  white  children,  whilst  their  own  children  are 
driven  into  miserable  edifices  in  disgraceful  localities.  Surely, 
the  white  population  of  the  city  are  too  able,  too  generous,  too 
just,  any  longer  to  suffer  this  miserable  robbing  of  their  colored 
fellow-citizens  for  the  benefit  of  white  children. 

Praying  that  your  honorable  commission  will  take  due  notice 
of  these  facts,  and  recommend  such  remedy  as  shall  seem  to  you 
best. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be,  in  behalf  of  the  New  York  Society 
for  the  Promotion  of  Education  among  Colored  Citizens, 
Most   respectfullv   vours, 

CHARLES  B.  RAY,  President. 
PHILIP  A  WHITE,  Secretary. 

New  York  City,  December  28,  1857. 


AMERICAN'    NEGRO    AND    IHE     MJLITARV    SPIRIT  57 


CHAPTER  11. 

AMERICAN  NEGRO  AND  THE  MTLtTARY  SPIRIT. 
Early  Literature  of  Negro  Soldiers— Negro  Soldiers  in  the  War  of  the 

Revolution — The  War  of  1812 — Negro  Insurrections — Negro  Troops 

in  the  Civil  War — Notes. 
"Do  you  think  I'll  make  a  soldier?"  is  the  opening  line  of 
one  of  those  delightful  spirituals,  originating  among  the  slaves 
in  the  far  South.  I  first  heard  it  sung  in  the  Saint  James 
Methodist  Church,  corner  of  Spring-  and  Coming  Streets, 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  immediately  after  the  close  of  the 
war.  It  was  sung  by  a  vast  congregation  to  a  gentle,  swing- 
ing air,  with  nothing  of  the  martial  about  it,  and  was  accom- 
panied by  a  swaying  of  the  body  to  the  time  of  the  music.  Oc- 
casionally there  would  be  the  "curtesys"  peculiar  to  the  South 
Carolina  slave  of  the  low  country,  which  consists  in  a  stoop- 
ing of  the  body  by  bending  the  knees  only,  the  head  remain- 
ing erect,  a  movement  which  takes  the  place 
of  the  bow  among-  equals.  The  older  ladies,  with 
lieads  adorned  with  the  ever-present  Madras  kerchief, 
often  tied  in  the  most  becoming  and  tasteful  man- 
ner, and  faces  aglow  with  an  enthusiasm  that  bespoke  a 
life  w'ithin  sustained  by  visions  of  spiritual  things,  would  often 
be  seen  to  shake  hands  and  add  a  word  of  greeting  and  hope 
which  would  impart  a  charm  and  meaning  to  the  singing  far 
above  what  the  humble  words  of  the  song  without  these  acces- 
sories could  conve)^  As  the  rich  chorus  of  matchless  voices 
poured  out  in  perfect  time  and  tune,  "Rise,  shine,  and  give 
God  the  glory,"  the  thoughts  of  earthly  freedom,  of  freedom 


5?  AMEUICAN    NEGRO    AND    THK    MILITARY    SPIRIT 

from  sin,  and  linally  of  freedom  from  the  toils,  cares  and  sor- 
rows of  earth  to  be  baptized  into  the  joys  of  heaven,  all  seemed 
to  blend  into  the  many  colored  but  harmonious  strain.  The 
singing-  of  the  simple  hearted  trustful,  emancipated  slave! 
Shall  we  ever  hear  the  like  again  on  earth?  Alas,  that  the 
high  hopes  and  glowing  prophecies  of  that  auspicious  hour 
have  been  so  deferred  that  the  hearts  of  millions  have  been 
made  sick ! 

Of  the  songs  that  came  out  of  slavery  with  these  long  suffer- 
ing people,  Colonel  Higginson,  who  perhaps  got  nearer  to 
them  in  sentiment  than  any  other  literary  man  not  really  of 
them,  says :  "Almost  all  their  songs  were  thoroughly  re- 
ligious in  their  tone,  however  quaint  their  expression,  and  were 
in  a  minor  key  lioth  as  to  words  and  music.  The  attitude  is 
always  the  same,  and,  as  a  commentary  on  the  life  of  the  race. 
is  infinitely  pathetic.  Nothing  but  patience  for  this  life — 
nothing  but  triumph  in  the  next.  Sometimes  the  present  pre- 
dominates, sometimes  the  future;  but  the  combination  is  always 
implied." 

I  do  not  know  when  this  "soldier"  song  had  its  birth,  but 
it  may  have  sprung  out  of  the  perplexity  of  the  slave's  mind 
as  he  contemplated  the  raging  conflict  and  saw  himself  drawn 
nearer  and  nearer  to  the  field  of  strife.  Whether  in  this  song 
the  "present  predominates,"  and  the  query,  therefore,  has  a 
strong  primary  reference  to  carnal  weapons  and  to  garments 
dyed  in  blood ;  whether  the  singer  invites  an  opinion  as  to  his 
fitness  to  engage  in  the  war  for  Freedom — it  may  not  be  pos- 
sible to  determine.  The  "year  of  Jubilee,"  coming  in  the  same 
song  in  connection  with  the  puqx)se  for  which  the  singer  is 
to  be  made  a  soldier,  gives  clearer  illustration  of  that  combina- 
tion of  the  present  and  future  which  Mr.  Higginson  says  was 
always  present  in  the  spirituals  of  that  period,  if  it  shows  no 


AMERICAN    NEGRO    AND    THE    MILITARY    SPIRIT  59^ 

more.  When  it  is  remembered  that  at  that  time  Charleston 
was  literally  trodden  under  foot  by  black  soldiers  in  bright 
uniforms,  whose  coming-  seemed  to  the  colored  people  of  that 
city  like  a  dream  too  good  to  be  true,  it  is  not  hard  to  believe 
that  this  song  had  much  of  the  present  in  it,  and  owed  its  birth 
to  the  circumstances  of  war. 

Singularly  enough  the  song  makes  the  Negro  ask  the  exact 
question  which  had  been  asked  about  him  from  the  earliest 
days  of  our  history  as  a  nation,  a  question  which  in  some  form 
confronts  him  still.  The  question,  as  the  song  has  it,  is  not  one 
of  fact,  but  one  of  opinion.  It  is  not :  Will  I  make  a  soldier  ? 
but:  Do  you  think  I  will  make  a  soldier?  It  is  one  thing  to 
"make  a  soldier,"  another  thing  to  have  men  think  so.  The 
question  of  fact  was  settled  a  century  ago;  the  question  of 
opinion  is  still  unsettled.  The  Negro  soldier,  hero^  of  five  hun- 
dred battlefields,  with  medals  and  honors  resting  upon  his 
breast,  with  the  endorsement  of  the  highest  military  authority 
of  the  nation,  with  Port  Hudson,  El  Caney  and  San  Juan  be- 
hind him,  is  still  expected  by  too  many  to  stand  and  await  the 
verdict  of  thought,  from  persons  who  never  did  "think"  he 
would  make  a  soldier,  and  who  never  will  think  so.  x\s  well 
expect  the  excited  animal  of  the  ring  to  think  in  the  presence 
of  the  red  rag  of  the  toreador  as  to  expect  them  to  think  on 
the  subject  of  the  Negro  suldier.  They  can  curse,  and  rant, 
when  they  see  the  stalwart  Negro  in  uniform,  but  it  is  too 
much  to  ask  them  to  think.  To  themjlie  Negro  can  be  a  fiend. 
a  brute,  but  never  a  soldier. 

To  John  G.  Whittier  and  to  William  C.  Nell  are  we  in- 
debted for  the  earliest  recital  of  the  heroic  deeds  of  the  col- 
ored American  in  the  Wars  of  the  Revolution  and  1812. 
Whittier  contributed  an  article  on  this  subject  to  the  "National 
Era"  in  1847,  ^^^  ^^'^  or  six  years  later  Nell  published  his 


•6o  AMERICAN    NEGRO    AND    THE    MILITAKY    SPIRIT 

pamphlet  on  "Colored  Patriots,"  a  booklet  recently  reprinted 
by  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  It  is  a  useful  con- 
tribution, showing  as  it  does  the  rising  and  spreading  abroad 
of  that  spirit  which  appreciates  military  effort  and  valor;  and 
while  recognizing  the  glory  that  came  to  American  arms  in  the 
period  described,  honestly  seeks  to  place  some  of  that  glory 
upon  the  deserving  brow  of  a  race  then  enslaved  and  despised. 
The  book  is  unpretentious  and  aims  to  relate  the  facts  in  a 
straight- forward  way,  unaccompanied  by  any  of  the  charms  of 
tasteful  presentation.  Its  author,  however,  is  deserving  our 
thanks,  and  the  book  marks  an  important  stage  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  colored  American.  His  mind  was  turning  toward 
the  creation  of  the  soldier — the  formation  of  armies. 

There  are  other  evidences  that  the  mind  of  the  colored  man 
was  at  this  time  turning  towards  arms.  In  1852  Doctor  Pen- 
nington, one  of  the  most  learned  colored  men  of  his  times,  hav- 
ing received  his  Degree  in  Divinity  from  Heidelberg,  delivered 
an  address  before  a  mass  convention  of  colored  citizens  of 
Ohio,  held  in  Cleveland,  in  which  he  spoke  principally  of  the 
colored  soldier.  During  the  convention  the  "Cleveland  Light 
Artillery"  fired  a  salute,  and  on  the  platform  were  seated  sev- 
eral veteran  colored  men,  some  of  them,  particularly  Mr.  John 
Julius,  of  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  taking  part  in  the  speech-making. 
Mr.  Nell  says :  "Within  recent  period  several  companies  of 
colored  men  in  New  York  city  have  enrolled  themselves  a  la 
militaire,"  and  quotes  from  the  New  York  Tribune  of  August, 
1852,  as  follows: 

"COLORED  SOLDIERS.— Among  the  many  parades 
within  a  few  days  we  noticed  yesterday  'a  soldierly-looking 
company  of  colored  men,  on  their  way  homeward  from  a  tar- 
get or  parade  drill.  They  looked  like  men,  handled  their  arms 
like  men,  and  should  occasion  demand,  we  presume  they  would 
fight  like  men." 


AMERICAN    NHGRO    AND    THE    MILITARY    SPIRIT  6t 

In  Boston,  New  Haven,  New  Bedford  and  other  places  ef- 
forts were  made  during  the  decade  from  1850  to  i860  to  mani- 
fest this  rising-  military  spirit  by  appropriate  organization,  but 
the  efforts  were  not  always  successful.  In  some  cases  the 
prejudices  of  the  whites  put  every  possible  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  the  colored  young  men  who  attempted  to  array  them- 
selves as  soldiers. 

The  martial  spirit  is  not  foreign  to  the  Negro  character,  as 
has  been  abundantly  proved  in  both  ancient  and  modern  times. 
Wiljiams,  in  his  admirable  history  of  the  Negro  as  well  as  in 
Tiis  "Negro  Troops  in  the  Rebellion,"  has  shown  at  consider- 
able length  that  the  Negro  has  been  a  soldier  from  earliest 
times,  serving  in  large  numbers  in  the  Egyptian  army  long  be- 
fore the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  We  know  that  with- 
out any  great  modification  in  character,  runaway  slaves  de- 
veloped excellent  fighting  qualities  as  Maroons,  in  Trinidad, 
British  Guiana,  St.  Domingo  and  in  Florida.  But  it  was  in 
Hayti  that  the  unmixed  Negro  rose  to  the  full  dignity  of  a 
modern  soldier,  creating  and  leading  armies,  conducting  and 
carrying  on  war,  treating  with  enemies  and  receiving  surrend- 
ers, complying  fully  with  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  and 
evolving  finally  a  Toussaint,  whose  military  genius  his  most 
bitter  enemies  were  compelled  to  recognize — Toussaint,  who 
to  the  high  qualities  of  the  soldier  added  also  the  higher  quali- 
ties of  statesmanship.  With  Napoleon,  Cromwell  and  Wash- 
ington, the  three  great  commanders  of  modern  times  who  have 
joined  to  high  military  talent  eminent  ability  in  the  art  of 
civil  go\'ernment,  we  must  also  class  Toussaint  L'Ouverteur, 
the  black_soldier  of  the  Antilles.  Thiers,  the  prejudiced  at- 
torney of  Napoleon,  declares  nevertheless 'that  Toussaint  pos- 
sessed wonderful  talent  for  g^overnment,  and  the  fact  ever  re- 
mains that  under  his  benign  rule  all  classes  were  pacified  and 


62  AMERICAN    NEGRO    AXD    THE    MILITARY    SPIRIT 

Snn  Domingo  was  made  to  blossom  as  the  rose.  In  the  armies 
of  Mcneiek,  in  the  armies  of  France,  in  the  armies  of  England, 
as  well  as  in  the  organization  of  the  Zulu  and  Kaffir  tribes 
the  Negro  has  shown  himself  a  soldier.  If  the  Afro- American 
.should  fail  in  this  particular  it  will  not  be  because  of  any  lack 
of  the  military  element  in  the  African  side  of  his  character,  or 
lor  any  lack  of  ''remorseless  military  audacity"  in  the  original 
Negro,  as  the  historian,  Williams,  expresses  it. 

In  our  own  Revolutionary  War,  the  Negro,  then  but  par- 
tially civilized,  and  classed  with  "vagabonds,"  held  every- 
where as  a  slave,  and  everywhere  distrusted,  against  protest 
r.nd  enactment,  made  his  way  into  the  patriot  army,  fighting 
side  by  side  with  his  white  compatriots  from  Lexington  to 
Yorktown.  On  the  morning  of  April  19th.  1775,  when  the 
British  re-enforcements  were  preparing  to  leave  Boston  for 
Lexington,  a  Negro  soldier  who  had  served  in  the  French  war, 
commanded  a  .small  body  of  West  Cambridge  "exempts"  and 
captured  Lord  Percy's  supply  train  with  its  military  escort  and 
the  officer  in  command.  As  a  rule  the  Negro  soldiers  were 
distributed  among  the  regiments,  thirty  or  forty  to  a  regiment, 
and  did  not  serve  in  separate  organizations.  Bishop  J._P. 
Campbell,  of  the  African  Metho<;list  Church,  was  accustomed 
to  say  "both  of  my  grandfathers  served  in  the  Revolutionary 
War."  In  \'arnum's  Brigade,  however,  there  was  a  Negro 
regiment  and  of  it  Scribner's  history,  1897,  says,  speaking  of 
the  battle  of  Rhode  Island :  "None  behaved  better  than 
Greene's  colored  regiment,  which  three  times  repulsed  the  fur- 
ious charges  of  veteran  Hessians."  Williams  says:  "The 
"^ilack  regiment  was  one  of  three  that  prevented  the  enemy  from 
turning  the  flank  of  the  American  army.  These  black  troops 
were  doubtless  regarded  as  the  weak  spot  of  the  line,  but  they 
were  not." 


AMERICAN    NEGRO    AND    THE    MILITARY    SPIRIT  65 

The  colon)'  of  Massachusetts  alone  furnished  67,907  men 
for  the  Revolutionary  War,  while  all  the  colonies  tog-ether 
south  of  Pennsylvania  furnished  but  50,493,  hence  the  senti- 
ment prevailing  in  Massachusetts  would  naturally  be  very 
pOAverful  in  determining-  any  question  j^ertaining  to  the  army. 
When  the  country  sprang  to  arms  in  response  to  that  shot  fired 
at  Lexington,  the  echoes  of  which,  poetically  speaking,  werd 
heard  around  the  world,  the  free  Negroes  of  every  Northern 
colony  rallied  with  their  white  neighbors.  They  were  in  the 
-fight  at  Lexington  and  at  Bunker  Hill,  but  when  Washington 
came  to  take  command  of  the  army  he  soon  gave  orders  that 
no  Negroes  should  be  enlisted.  He  was  sustained  in  this  posi- 
tion by  a  council  of  war  and  by  a  committee  of  conference  in 
which  were  representatives  from  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut 
and  Massachusetts,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Negroes  be  rejected 
altogether.  The  American  Negro's  persistency  in  pressing  J^ 
himself  where  he  is  not  wanted  but  where  he  is  eminently 
needed  began  right  there.  Within  six  weeks  so  many  colored 
men  applied  for  enlistment,  and  those  that  had  been  put  our 
of  the  army  raised  such  a  clamor  that  Washington  changed  his 
policy,  and  the  Negro,  who  of  all  America's  population  con- 
tended for  the  privilege  of  shouldering  a  gun  to  fight  for 
American  liberty,  was  allowed  a  place  in  the  Continental  Army, 
the  first  national  army  organized  on  this  soil,  ante-dating  the 
national  flag.  The  Negro  soldier  helped  to  evolve  the  national 
standard  and  was  in  the  ranks  of  the  fighting  men  over  whom  | 
it  first  unfolded  its  broad  stripes  and  glittering  stars. 

*"To  the  Honorable  General  Court  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay : 

"The  subscribers  beg  leave  to  report  to  your  Honorable  House,  which 
we  do  in  justice  to  the  character  of  so  brave  a  man,  that,  under  our  own 
observation,  we  declare  that  a  Negro  man  called  Salem  Poor,  of  Col.  Frye's 
regiment,   Capt.   Ames'   company,   in   the  late   battle   at   Charlestown,   be- 


64  AMERICAN    NEf.RO    AND    JHE    MILTIARV    SPIRI'l" 

It  is  in  place  here  to  mention  a  legion  of  free  mulattoes  and 
blacks  from  the  Island  of  St.  Domingo,  a  full  account  of 
whose  services  is  appended  to  this  section,  who  fought  under 
D'Estaing  with  great  distinction  in  the  siege  of  Savannah, 
their  bravery  at  that  time  saving  the  patriot  army  from  anni- 
In'lation. 

When  the  Revolutionary  War  had  closed  the  brave  black  soi- 
dier  who  had  fought  to  give  to  the  world  a  new  flag  whose 
every  star  should  be  a  star  of  hope  to  the  oppressed,  and  whose 
trinity  of  colors;  should  symbolize  Liberty,  Equalty  and  Fraj- 
ternity.  found  his  race,  and  in  some  instances  himself  persons- 
ally,  encased  in  a  cruel  and  stubborn  slaver3^  For  the  soldier 
himself  special  provision  had  been  made  in  both  Northern 
and  Southern  colonies,  but  it  was  not  always  hearty  or  effec- 
tive. In  October,  1783,  the  Virginia  Legislature  passed  an  act 
for  llie  relief  of  certain  slaves  who  had  served  in  the  army 


haved  like  an  experienced  officer,  as  well  as  an  excellent  soldier.  We 
would  only  beg  leave  to  say,  in  the  person  of  this  said  Negro  centres  a 
brave  and  gallant  soldier.  The  reward  due  to  so  great  and  distinguished 
a  character  we  submit  to  the  Congress. 

"Cambridge,  Dec.  S,  I775-" 

These  black  soldiers,  fresh  from  heathen  lands,  not  out  of  slavery, 
proved  themselves  as  worthy  as  the  best.  In  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
where  all  were  brave,  two  Negro  soldiers  so  distinguished  themselves  that 
their  names  have  come  down  to  us  garlanded  with  the  tributes  of  their 
contemporaries.  Peter  Salem,  until  then  a  slave,  a  private  in  Colonel 
Nixon's  regiment  of  Continentals,  without  orders  fired  deliberately  upon 
Major  Pitcaim  as  he  was  leading  the  assault  of  the  British  to  what  ap- 
peared certain  victory.  Everet  in  speaking  "of  Prescott,  Putnam  and  War- 
ren, the  chiefs  of  the  day,"  mentions  in  immediate  connection  "the  colored 
man,  Salem,  who  is  reported  to  have  shot  the  gallant  Pitcaim  as  he 
mounted  the  parapet."'  What  Salem  Poor  did  is  not  set  forth,  but  the  fol- 
lowing is  the  wreath  of  praise  that  surrounds  his  name: 

Jona.  Brewer,  Col.  Eliphalet  Bodwell,  Sgt. 

Thomas  Nixon,  Lt.-Col.  Josiah  Foster,  Lieut. 

Wm.  Precott,  Col.  Rbenr.  Varnuni,  2d  Lieut. 

Ephm.  Corey,  Lieut.  Wm.  Hudson  Ballard,  Capt. 

Joseph  Baker,  Lieut.  William  Smith,  Capt. 

Joshua  Row,  Lieut.  John  Morton,  Sergt.  (?) 

Jonas  Richardson,  Capt.  Richard  Welsh,  Lieut. 


AMERICAN    NEGRO    ANT'     i'HK    MIMTARY    SPIRIT  65 

whose  "former  owners  were  trying  to  force  to  return  to  a  state 
of  servitude,  contrary  to  the  principles  of  justice  and  their 
solemn  promise."  The  act  provided  that  each  and  every  slave 
who  had  enlisted  "by  the  appointment  and  direction  of  his 
owner"  and  had  "been  received  as  a  substitute  for  any  free 
person  whose  duty  or  lot  it  was  to  serve"  and  who  had  serv'ed 
faithfully  during  the  term  of  such  enlistment,  unless  lawfully 
discharged  earlier,  should  be  fully  and  completely  emancipated 
and  should  be  held  and  deemed  free  in  as  full  and  ample  man- 
ner as  if  each  and  every  one  of  them  were  specially  named  in 
the  act.  The  act,  though  apparently  so  fair  on  its  face,  and  in- 
lerlarded  as  it  is  with  patriotic  and  moral  phrases,  is  neverthe- 
!ess  very  narrow  and  technical,  liberating  only  those  who  en^ 
listed  by  the  appointment  and  direction  of  their  owners,  and 
who  were  accepted  as  substitutes,  and  who  came  out  of  the 
army  with  good  discharges.  It  is  not  hard  to  see  that  even 
under  this  act  many  an  ex-soldier  might  end  his  days  in  slav- 
ery.  The  Negro  had  joined  in  the  fight  for  freedom  and  when 
victory  is  won  finds  himself  a  slave.  He  was  both  a  slave  and 
a  soldier,  too  often,  during  the  war ;  and  now  at  its  close  may 
be  both  a  veteran  and  a  slave. 

The  second  war  with  Great  Britain  broke  out  with  an  inci-  / 
dent  in  which  the  Negro  in  the  navy  was  especially  conspicuou.s. 
The  Chesapeake,  an  American  war  vessel  was  hailed,  fired  upon 
and  forced  to  strike  her  colors,  by  the  British.  She  was  then 
boarded  and  searched  and  four  persons  taken  from  her  decks, 
claimed  as  deserters  from  the  English  navy.  Three  of  these 
were  Negroes  and  one  white.  The  Negroes  were  finally  di^-  \ 
mis.sed  with  a  reprimand  and  the  white  man  hanged.  Five 
years  later  hostilities  began  on  land  and  no  opix)sition  was  man- 
ifested toward  the  employment  of  NegTO  soldiers.  Laws  were 
passed,  especially  in  New  York,  authorizing  the  formation  of 

5 


66  AMERICAN    NEtJRO    AND    THE    MILITARY    SPIRIT 

regiments  of  blacks  with  white  officers.  It  is  remarkable  that 
although  the  successful  insurrection  of  St.  Domingo  was  so 
recent,  and  many  refugees  from  that  country  at  that  time  were 
in  the  United  States,  and  our  country  had  also  but  lately 
come  into  possession  of  a  large  French  element  by  the  Louis- 
iana purchase,  there  was  no  fear  of  a  servile  insurrection  in 
this  country.  The  free  colored  men  of  New  Orleans,  under  the 
proclamation  of  the  narrow-minded  Jackson,  rallied  to  the  de- 
fence of  that  city  and  bore  themselves  with  commendable  valor 
in  that  useless  battle.  The  war  closed,  however,  and  the  glory 
of  the  Negro  soldier  who  fought  in  it  soon  expired  in  the  dis- 
mal gloom  of  a  race-slavery  becoming  daily  more  .wide-spread 
and  hopeless. 

John  Brown's  movement  was  military  in  character  and  con- 
templated the  creation  of  an  army  of  liberated  slaves;  but  its 
early  suppression  prevented  any  display  of  Negro  valor  or  gen- 
ius. Its  leader  must  ever  receive  the  homage  due  those  who 
are  so  moved  by  the  woes  of  others  as  to  overlook  all  con- 
siderations of  ix)licy  and  personal  risk.  As  a  plot  for  the 
destruction  of  life  it  fell  far  short  of  the  Nat  Turner  insurrec- 
tion which  swept  off  fifty-seven  persons  within  a  few  hours. 
In  purpose  the  two  episodes  agree.  They  both  aim  at  the  lib- 
eration of  the  slave ;  both  were  led  by  fanatics,  the  reflex  pro- 
duction of  the  cruelty  of  slavery,  and  both  ended  in  the  melan- 
choly death  of  their  heroic  leaders.  Turner's  was  the  insur- 
rection of  the  slave  and  was  not  free  from  the  mad  violence  of 
revenge;  Brow^n's  was  the  insurrection  of  the  friend  of  the 
slave,  and  was  governed  by  the  high  and  noble  purpose  of  free- 
dom. The  insurrections  of  Denmark  Vesey  in  South  Carolina, 
in  1822,  and  of  Nat  Turner,  in  Virginia,  in  1831.  show  con- 
clusively that  the  Negro  slave  possessed  the  courage,  the  cun- 
ning, the  secretiveness  and  the  intelligence  to  fight  for  his  free-, 


AMERICAN    NEGRO    AND    THE    MILITARY    SPIRIT  67 

tlom.  These  two  attempts  were  sufficiently  broad  and  intelli- 
g-ent,  when  taken  into  consideration  with  the  enforced  ignor- 
ance of  the  slave,  to  prove  the  Negro  even  in  his  forlorn  con- 
dition capable  of  daring  great  things.  Of  the  probable  thous- 
ands who  were  engag^ed  in  the  Denmark  Vesey  insurrection^ 
only  fifteen  were  convicted,  and  these  died  heroically  without 
revealing  anything  connected  with  the  plot.  Forty-three  years 
later  I  met  the  son  of  Denmark  Vesey,  who  rejoiced  in  the 
efforts  of  his  noble  father,  and  regarded  his  death  on  the  gal- 
lows as  a  holy  sacrifice  to  the  cause  of  freedom.  Turner  de- 
scribes his  fight  as  follows :  "The  white  men,  eighteen  in  num- 
ber, approached  us  to  about  one  hundred  yards,  when  one  of 
them  fired,  and  I  discovered  about  half  of  them  retreating.  I 
then  ordered  my  men  to  fire  and  rush  on  them.  The  few  re- 
maining stood  their  ground  until  w^e  approached  within  fifty 
yards,  when  they  fired  and  retreated.  We  pursued  and  over- 
took some  of  them  whom  we  thought  we  left  dead.  After  pur- 
suing them  about  two  hundred  yards,  and  rising  a  little  hill, 
1  discovered  they  were  met  by  another  party,  and  had  halted 
and  were  reloading  their  guns.  Thinking  that  those  who  re- 
treated first  and  the  party  who  fired  on  us  at  fifty  or  sixty 
yards  distant  had  all  only  fallen  back  to  meet  others  with  am- 
munition, as  I  saw  them  reloading  their  guns,  and  more  com- 
ing up  than  I  saw  at  first,  and  several  of  my  bravest  men  be- 
ing wounded,  the  others  became  panic  struck  and  .scattered  over 
the  field.  The  white  men  pursued  and  fired  on  us  several 
times.  Hark  had  his  horse  shot  under  him.  and  I  caught  an- 
other for  him  that  was  running  by  me ;  five  or  six  of  my  men 
were  wounded,  but  none  left  on  the  field.  Finding  myself  de- 
feated here,  I  instantly  determined  to  go  through  a  private  way 
and  cross  the  Nottoway  River  at  Cypress  Bridge,  three  miles 
below  Jerusalem,  and  attack  that  place  in  the  rear,  as  I  ex- 


68  AMERICAN    NEGRO    AND     IHK     MH.ITARY    SVIRJT 

pected  they  would  look  for  me  on  the  other  road,  and  I  had^^ 
great  desire  to  get  there  to  procure  arms  and  ammunition. 
After  going  a  short  distance  in  this  private  way,  accompanied 
by  about  twenty  men,  I  overtook  two  or  three  who  told  me  the 
others  were  dispersed  in  every  direction.  After  trying  in  vain 
to  collect  a  sufficient  force  to  proceed  to  Jerusalem,  I  deter- 
mined to  return,  as  1  was  sure  they  would  make  back  to  their 
old  neighborhood,  where  they  would  rejoin  me,  make  new  re- 
cruits, and  come  down  again.  On  my  way  back  I  called  on 
Mrs.  Thomas',  Mrs.  Spencer's  and  several  other  places.  We 
stopped  at  Major  Ridley's  quarters  for  the  night,  and  being 
joined  by  four  of  his  men,  with  the  recruits  made  since  my  de- 
feat, we  mustered  now  about  forty  strong. 

After  placing  out  sentinels,  I  lay  down  to  sleep,  but  was 
quickly  aroused  by  a  great  racket.  Starting  up  I  found  some 
mounted  and  others  in  great  confusion,  one  of  the  sentinels 
having  given  the  alarm  that  we  were  about  to  be  attacked.  I 
ordered  some  to  ride  around  and  reconnoitre,  and  on  their  re- 
turn the  others  being  more  alarmed,  not  knowing  who  they 
were,  fled  in  different  ways,  so  that  I  was  reduced  to  about 
twenty  again.  With  this  I  determined  to  attempt  to  recruit, 
and  proceed  on  to  rally  in  the  neighborhood  I  had  left."* 

No  one  can  read  this  account,  which  is  thoroughly  supported 
by  contemporary  testimony,  without  seeing  in  this  poor  mis- 
guided slave  the  elements  of  a  vigorous  captain.  Failing^in^ 
his  efforts  he  made  his  escape  and  remained  for  two  monthsjn 
hiding  in  the  vicinity  of  his  pursuers.  One  concerned  in  his 
prosecution  says:  "It  has  been  said  that  he  was  ignorant  and 
cowardly  and  that  his  object  was  to  murder  and  rob  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  money  to  make  liis  escape.     Tt  is  notor- 


•'Con/e>sion   of   Na!   Turner.   Atiglo-Airican   Magazine,   \'o\.   I,  p.  3.^ 
1859. 


AMERICAN    NEGRO    AND    THE    MIHTARV    SPIRIT  69 

ious  that  he  was  never  known  to  have  a  dollar  in  his  life,  to 
swear  an  oath,  or  drink  a  drop  of  spirits.  As  to  his  ignorance, 
he  certainly  never  had  the  advantages  of  education,  but  he 
fan  read  and  write  (it  was  taught  him  by  his  parents)  and  for 
natural  intelligence  and  quickness  of  apprehension,  is  surpassed 
by  few  men  I  ha\-e  ever  seen.  As  to  his  being  a  coward,  his 
reason  as  given  for  not  resisting  Mr.  Phipps  shows  the  decision 
of  his  character."     * 

The  War  of  the  Rebellion,  now  called  the  Civil  War,  efifected 
thelast  and  tremendous  step  in  the  transition  of  the  American 
Negro  from  the  position  of  a  slave  under  the  Republic  to  that 
of  a  soldier  in  its  armies.  Both  under  officers  of  his  own  race 
at  Port  Hudson  and  under  white  officers  on  a  hundred  battle- 
fields, the  Negro  in  arms  proved  himself  a  worthy  foeman 
against  the  bravest  and  sternest  enemies  that  ever  assailed  our 
nation's  fiag,  and  a  worthy  comrade  of  the  Union's  best  de- 
fenders. Tliirt^ix  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-seven 
of  them  gave  their  lives  in  that  awful  conflict.  The  entire 
face  oil  fliislcontinent  and  those  of  allied  blood  throughout  the 
world  are  indebted  to  the  soldier-historian,  Honorable  George 
W.  Williams,  for  the  eloquent  stor}'  of  their  service  in  the 
Union  Army,  and  for  the  presentation  of  the  high  testimonials 
to  the  valor  and  worthiness  of  the  colored  soldier  as  given  by 
the  highest  military  authority  of  the  century.  From  Chapter 
XYI  of  his  book,  "Negro  Troops  in  the  Rebellion,"  the  para- 
graphs appended  at  the  close  of  this  chapter  are  quoted. 

*Ibid. 


70  I  HE    BLACK    ST.   DOMINGO    l.FGION 

A. 

HOW  THE   BLACK   ST.   DOMINGO   LEGION   SAVED 
THE  PATRIOT  ARMY  IN  THE  SIEGE  OF 

SAVANNAH,  1779. 

The  siege  and  attempted  reduction  of  Savannah  by  the  com- 
bined French  and  American  forces  is  one  of  the  events  of  our 
revolutionary  war,  upon  which  our  historians  care  little  to 
dwell.  Because  it  reflects  but  little  glory  upon  the  Amerrcan 
arms,  and  resulted  so  disastrously  to  the  American  cause,  its 
important  historic  character  and  connections  have  been  al- 
lowed to  fade  from  general  sight ;  and  it  stands  in  the  ordin- 
ary school  text-books,  much  as  an  afifair  of  shame.  The  fol- 
lowing, quoted  from  Barnes'  History,  is  a  fair  sample  of  the 
way  in  which  it  is  treated  : 

"French-American  Attack  on  Savannah. — In  September. 
D'Estaing  joined  Lincoln  in  besieging  that  city.  Aicer  a  se- 
vere bombardment,  an  unsuccessful  assault  was  made,  in 
which  a  thousand  lives  were  lost.  Count  Pulaski  was  mortally 
wounded.  The  simple-hearted  Sergeant  Jasper  died  grasp- 
ing the  banner  presented  to  his  regiment  at  Fort  Moultrie. 
D'Estaing  refused  to  give  further  aid ;  thus  again  deserting 
the  Americans  when  help  was  most  needed." 

From  this  brief  sketch  the  reader  is  at  liberty  to  infer  that 
the  attack  was  unwise  if  not  fool-hardy;  that  the  battle  was 
unimportant;  and  that  the  conduct  of  Count  D'Estaing  im- 
niv^diately  after  the  battle  was  unkmd,  if  not  unjust,  to  the 
Americans.  While  the  paragraph  does  not  pretend  to  tell  the 
whole  truth,  what  it  does  tell  ought  to  be  the  truth  ;  and  this 
ought  to  be  told  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  correct  impressions. 
The  attack  upon  Savannah  was  well-planned  and  thoroughly 
well  considered  ;  and  it  failed  only  because  the  works  were  .so 
ably  defended,  chiefly  by  British  regulars,  under  brave  and 
skillful  officers.  In  a  remote  way,  which  it  is  the  purpose  of 
this  paper  to  trace,  that  sanguinary  struggle  had  a  wider  bear- 
ing upon  the  progress  of  liberty  in  the  Western  World  than 
any  other  one  battle  fought  during  the  Revolution. 

But  first  let  us  listen  to  the  story  of  the  battle  itself.  Colonel 
Campbell  with  a  force  of  three  thousand  men,  captured  Sa- 
vannah in  December,  1778;  and  in  the  January  following,  Gen- 
eral Prevost  arrived,  and  by  March  had  established  a  sort  of 
civil  government  in  Georgia,  Savannah  being  the  capital.     In 


THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMINGO    LEGION  71 

April,  the  American  general,  Lincoln,  feeble  in  more  senses 
than  one,  perhaps,  began  a  movement  against  Savannah  by 
way  of  Augusta;  but  Prevost,  aware  of  his  purpose,  crossed 
into  South  Carolina  and  attempted  an  attack  upon  Charleston. 
Finding  the  city  too  well  defended,  he  contented  himself  with 
ravaging  the  plantations  over  a  wide  extent  of  adjacent  coun- 
try, and  returned  to  Savannah  laden  with  rich  spoils,  among 
which  were  included  three  thousand  slaves,  of  whose  labor  he 
made  good  use  later. 

The  patriots  of  the  South  now  awaited  in  hope  the  com- 
ing of  the  French  fleet ;  and  on  the  first  of  September,  Coimt 
D'Estaing  appeared  suddenly  on  the  coast  of  Georgia  with 
thirty-three  sail,  surprised  and  captured  four  British  war- 
ships, and  announced  tj  the  government  of  South  Carolina 
his  readiness  to  assist  in  the  recapture  of  Savannah.  He  urged 
as  a  condition,  however,  that  his  ships  should  not  be  detained 
long  of?  so  dangerous  a  coast,  as  is  was  now  the  hurricane 
season,  and  there  was  neither  harbor,  road,  nor  offing  for  their 
protection. 

By  means  of  small  vessels  sent  from  Charleston  he  effected 
a  landing  in  ten  days,  and  four  days  thereafter,  on  the  i6th, 
he  summoned  the  garrison  to  surrender  to  the  arms  of  France. 
Although  this  demand  was  made  in  the  name  of  France  for  the 
plain  reason  that  the  American  army  was  not  yet  upon  the 
spot,  the  loyalists  did  not  fail  to  make  it  a  pretext  for  the 
accusation  that  the  French  were  desirous  of  making  conquests 
in  the  war  on  their  own  account.  In  the  meantime  Lincoln 
with  the  regular  troops,  was  hurrying  toward  Savannah,  and 
had  issued  orders  for  the  militia  to  rendezvous  at  the  same 
place ;  and  the  militia  full  of  hope  of  a  speedy,  if  not  of  a  blood- 
less conquest,  were  entering  upon  this  campaign  with  more 
than  ordinary  enthusiasm. 

During  the  time  that  the  fleet  had  been  ofi"  the  coast,  and 
especially  since  the  landing,  the  British  had  been  very  bitsy 
in  putting  the  city  in  a  high  state  of  defence,  and  in  making 
efforts  to  strengthen  the  garrison.  Lieutenant-colonel  Cruger, 
who  had  a  small  force  at  Sunbury,  the  last  place  in  Georgia 
that  had  been  captured  by  the  British,  and  Lieutenant-colonel 
Maitland  who  was  commanding  a  considerable  force  at  Beau- 
fort, were  ordered  to  report  in  haste  with  their  commands  at 
Savannah.     On  the  T6th,  when  the  summons  to  surrender  was 


72  THt    KI.ALK    Sr.    DOMIKC.O    I.liGION 

received  by  Prevost,  Maitland  had  not  arrived,  but  was  hourly 
expected.  Prevost  asked  for  a  delay  of  twenty-four  hours  to 
consider  the  proposal,  which  delay  was  granted;  and  on  that 
very  evening,  Mailland  with  his  force  arrived  at  Dawfuskic. 
Finding  the  river  in  the  possession  of  the  French,  his  course 
for  a  time  seemed  effectually  cut  oflf.  By  the  merest  chance 
he  fell  in  with  some  Negro  fishermen  who  informed  him  of  a 
passagC~"kli6wn  as  Waffs  cut,  through  Scull's  creek,  navigable 
for  small  boats.  A  favoring  tide  and  a  dense  fog  enabled  him 
to  conduct  his  command  unperceived  by  the  French,  through 
this  route,  and  thus  arrive  in  Savannah  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
17th,  before  the  expiration  of  the  twenty-four  hours.  General 
Prevost  had  gained  his  point ;  and  now  believing  himself  able 
to  resist  an  assault,  declined  the  summons  to  surrender.  Tvro 
armed  ships  and  four  transports  were  sunk  in  the  channel  of 
the  river  below  the  city,  and  a  boom  in  the  same  place  laid 
entirely  across  the  river ;  while  several  small  boats  were  sunk 
above  tlie  town,  thus  rendering  it  impossible  for  the  city  to  be 
approached  by  water. 

On  the  day  of  the  summons  to  surrender,  although  the 
^vo^ks  were  otherwise  well  advanced,  there  were  not  ten  can- 
non mounted  in  the  lines  of  Savannah ;  but  from  that  time 
until  the  day  of  assault,  the  men  of  the  garrison,  with  the 
slaves  they  had  captured,  worked  day  and  night  to  get  the  de- 
fences of  the  city  in  the  highest  state  of  excellence.  Major 
Moncrief,  chief  of  the  engineers,  is  credited  with  placing  in 
position  more  than  eighty  cannons  in  a  short  time  after  the 
call  to  surrender  had  been  received. 

The  city  itself  at  this  time  was  but  a  mere  village  of  frame 
buildings  and  unpaved  streets.  Viewed  as  facing  its  assail- 
ants, it  was  protected  in  its  rear,  or  upon  its  north  side,  by 
the  Savannah  river;  and  on  its  west  side  by  a  thick  swamp  or 
tnorass,  which  communicated  with  the  river  above  the  cit>'. 
'JTh^  exposed  sides  were  those  of  the  east  and  south.  These 
faced  an  open  countr}'  which  for  several  miles  was  entirely 
clear  of  woods.  This  exposed  portion  of  the  city  was  well  pro- 
tected by  an  unbroken  line  of  defences  extending  from  the 
river  back  to  the  swamp,  the  right  and  left  extremes  of  the 
line  consisting  of  strong  redoubts,  while  the  centre  was  made 
Ttp  of  seamen's  batteries  in  front,  with  impalements  and  tra- 
verses thrown  up  to  protect  the  troops  from  the  fire  of  the 


Savannah  River, 


THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMINUO    LEGION'  73 

besieg^ers.  The  whole  extent  of  the  works  was  faced  with  an 
ample  abattis. 

To  be  still  more  particular:  there  were  three  redoubts  on 
the  right  of  the  line,  and  on  the  right  of  them  quite  near 
the  swamp,  was  a  sailor's  battery  of  nine  pounders,  covered 
by  a  company  of  the  British  legion.  The  left  redoubt  of  these 
three,  was  known  as  the  Springhill  redoubt;  and  proved  to  be 
the  objective  of  the  final  assault.  Between  it  and  the  centre, 
was  another  sailor's  battery  behind  which  were  posted  the 
grenadiers  of  the  6oth  regiment,  with  the  marines  Avhich  had 
been  landed  from  the  warships.  On  the  left  of  the  line  near 
the  river  were  two  redoubts,  strongly  constructed,  with  a 
massy  frame  of  green  spongy  wood,  filled  in  with  sand,  and 
mounted  with  heavy  cannon.  The  centre,  or  space  between 
these  groups  of  redoubts,  was  composed,  as  has  been  said,  of 
lighter  but  nevertheless  very  efifective  works,  and  was  strongly 
garrisoned. 

Having  thus  scanned  the  works,  let  us  now  take  a  glance 
at  the  men  who  are  to  defend  them.  As  allofthe  assaulting 
forces  are  not  made  up^o£^mericans,  so"  a]l_pJ[„J;Ji&^d,efenders 
are  not  foreigners.  The  centre"  redoir5T"oT  the  triplet  on  the 
right,  was  garrisoned  by  two  companies  of  militia,  with  the 
North  Carolina  regiment  to  support  them ;  Captains  Roworth 
and  Wylie,  with  the  provincial  corps  of  King's  Rangers,  were 
posted  in  the  redoubt  on  the  right ;  and^Ca^tain  Tawse  with 
his  corps  of  provincial  dragons,  d i s rh o u n t e37  in  the  left  or 
Springhill  redoubt,  supported  by  the  ^uth  Caroline  regiment. 
The  whole  of  this  force  on  the  right  of  the  line,  was  under 
the  command  of  the  gallant  Lieutenant-colonel  Maitland ;  and 
it  was  this  force  that  made  the  charge  that  barely  failed  of 
annihilaTmg  the  American  army.  On  the  left  of  the  line,  the 
Georgia  loyalists  garrisoned  one  of  those  massy  wooden  sand- 
filled  redoubts ;  while  in  the  centre,  cheek  by  jowl  so  to  speak, 
with  two  battalions  of  the  seventy-first  regiment,  and  two 
regiments  of  Hessians,  stood  the  New  York  Volunteers.  All 
of  these  corps  were  ready  to  act  as  circumstances  should  re- 
quire and  to  support  any  part  of  the  line  that  might  be  at- 
tacked. Tlie  Negroes  who  worked  on  these  defences  were  un- 
der the  direction  of  Major  Moncrief. 

The  French  troops  had  landed  below  the  city  and  were 
formed  facing  the  British  lines,  with  the  river  on  their  right. 


74  THE    m.ACK    ST.    DOMINGO    LEOIOX 

On  their  left,  later,  assembled  the  iVmerican  troops.  The 
final  dispositions  were  concluded  by  September  22nd,  and 
were  as  follows:  The  American  troops  under  Lincoln  formed 
the  left  of  the  line,  their  left  restinor  upon  the  swamp  and  the 
entire  division  facing  the  Springhill  redoubt  and  her  two  sis- 
ter defences;  then  came  the  division  of  M.  de  Noailles,  com- 
posed of  nine  hundred  men.  D'Estaing's  division  of  one  thou- 
sand men  beside  the  artillery,  came  next,  and  formed  the  cen- 
tre of  the  French  army.  On  D'Estaing's  right  was  Count 
Dillon's  division  of  nine  hundred  men  ;  on  the  right  of  Dillon 
were  the  powder  magazine,  cattle  depot,  and  a  small  field  hos- 
pital ;  on  the  right  of  the  depot  and  a  little  in  advance,  were 
Dejean's  dragoons,  numbering  fifty  men ;  upon  the  same  align- 
ment and  to  the  right  of  the  dragoons  were  Rouvrais'  Volun- 
teer Chasseurs,  numbering  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men ;  still 
further  on  to  the  right  and  two  hundred  yards  in  advance  of 
Rouvrais,  was  Framais,  comanding  the  Grenadier  V'olunteers, 
and  two  hundred  men  besides,  his  right  resting  upon  the 
swampy  wood  that  bordered  the  river,  thus  completely  clos- 
ing in  the  city  on  the  land  side.  The  frigate,  La  Truite,  and 
two  galleys,  lay  within  cannon  shot  of  the  town,  and  with  the 
aid  of  the  armed  store  ship,  La  Bricole,  and  the  frigate,  La 
Chimere,  effectually  cut  ofif  all  communication  by  v/ater. 

On  the  23rd,  both  the  French  and  the  Americans  opened 
their  trenches;  and  on  the  24th,  a  small  detachment  of  the  be- 
sieged made  a  sortie  against  the  French.  The  attack  was 
easily  repulsed,  but  the  French  pursuing,  approached  so  near 
the  entrenchments  of  the  enemy  that  they  were  fired  upon 
and  several  were  killed.  On  the  night  of  the  27th  another 
sortie  was  made  which  threw  the  besiegers  into  some  confu- 
sion and  caused  the  French  and  Americans  to  fire  upon  each 
other.  Cannonading  continued  with  but  little  result  until 
October  8th. 

The  engineers  were  now  of  the  opinion  that  a  speedy  re- 
duction of  the  city  could  not  be  accomplished  by  regular  ap- 
})roaches ;  and  the  naval  ofticers  were  very  anxious  about  the 
fleet,  both  l^ecause  of  the  dangers  to  which  it  was  exposed 
from  the  sea,  and  also  because  with  so  many  men  ashore  it 
was  in  especial  danger  of  being  attacked  and  captured  by  Brit- 
ish men-of-war.  These  representations  agreeing  altogether 
\vith    D'Estaing's   previously   expressed   wishes   to   leave    the 


THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMINGO    LEGION  75 

coast  as  soon  as  possible,  induced  that  officer  and  General 
Lincoln  to  decide  upon  an  attempt  to  storm  the  British  works 
at  once.  It  is  quite  probable  that  this  had  been  the  purpose 
as  a  last  resort  from  the  first.  The  preservation  of  the  fleet 
was,  however,  the  powerful  factor  in  determining  the  time  and 
character  of  the  assault  upon  Savannah. 

On  the  night  of  the  eighth,  Major  L'Enfant,  with  a  detach- 
ment attempted  to  set  fire  to  the  abattis  in  order  to  clear  the 
way  for  the  assault,  but  failed  to  through  the  dampness  of 
the  wood.  The  plan  of  the  assault  may  be  quite  accurately  ob- 
tained from  the  orders  given  to  the  American  troops  on  the 
evening  of  the  8th  by  General  Lincoln  and  from  the  inferences 
to  be  drawn  from  the  events  of  the  morning"  of  the  9th  as  they 
are  recorded  in  histoiy.  At  least  two  of  the  historians  who 
have  left  us  accounts  of  the  seige,  Ramsey  and  McCall,  were 
present  at  the  time,  and  their  accounts  may  be  regarded  as 
original  authority.  General  Lincoln's  orders  were  as  fol- 
lows : 

"Evening  Orders.     By  General  Lincoln. 
Watchword — Lewis. 

"The  soldiers  will  be  immediately  supplied  with  40  rounds 
of  cartridges,  a  spare  flint,  and  have  their  arms  in  good  order. 
The  infantry  destined  for  the  attack  of  Savannah  wUl  be  di- 
vided into  two  bodies ;  first  composed  of  the  light  troops  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Laurens ;  the  second,  of  the  conti- 
nental battalions  and  the  first  battalion  of  the  Charleston 
militia,  except  the  grenadiers,  who  are  to  join  the  light  troops. 
The  whole  will  parade  at  i  o'clock,  near  the  left  of  the  line, 
and  march  by  platoons.  The  guards  of  the  camp  will  be 
formed  of  the  invalids,  and  be  charged  to  keep  the  fires  as 
usual  in  camp. 

"The  cavalry  under  the  command  of  Count  Pulaski,  will 
parade  at  the  same  time  with  the  infantry  and  follow  the  left 
cohunn  of  the  French  troops,  precede  the  column  of  the  Amer- 
ican light  troops ;  they  will  endeavor  to  penetrate  the  enemy's 
lines  between  the  battery  on  the  left  of  Springhill  redoubt,  and 
the  next  tow'-ards  the  river ;  having  efifcctcd  this,  will  pass  to 
the  left  towards  Yamacraw  and  secure  such  parties  of  the 
enemy  as  may  be  lodged  in  that  quarter. 

"The   artillery   w'iil   parade   at   the    same   time,    foTTow    the 


^6  THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMIMGO    I.EGIDN 

I'Vench  artillery,  and  remain  with  the  corps  de  reserve  until 
tiiey  receive  further  orders. 

"The  whole  will  be  ready  by  the  time  appointed,  with  the 
titmost  silence  and  punctuality ;  and  be  ready  to  march  the 
instant  Count  Dillon  and  General  Lincoln  shall  order. 

"The  light  troops  who  are  to  follow  the  cavalry,  will  attempt 
to  enter  the  redoubt  on  the  left  of  the  Springhill,  by  escalade 
if  possible ;  if  not  by  entrance  into  it,  they  are  to  be  supported 
if  necessar}'^  by  the  first  South  Carolina  regiment :  in  the  mean- 
time the  column  will  proceed  with  the  lines  to  the  left  of  the 
Springhill  battery. 

"The  light  troops  having  succeeded  against  the  redoubt  wiM 
proceed  to  the  left  and  attempt  the  several  works  between  that 
and  the  river. 

"The  column  will  move  to  the  left  of  the  French  troops, 
taking  care  not  to  interfere  with  them. 

"The  light  troops  having  carried  the  work  towards  the  river 
will  form  on  the  left  of  the  column. 

"It  is  especially  forbidden  to  fire  a  single  gun  before  the 
redoubts  are  carried;  or  for  any  soldier  to  quit  his  rank  to 
plunder  without  an  order  for  that  purpose ;  any  who  shall 
presume  to  transgress  in  either  of  these  respects  shall  be  re- 
puted a  disobeyer  of  military  orders  which  is  punishable  with 
death. 

"'^he  militia  of  the  first  and  second  brig-ades.  General  Wil- 
liamson's and  the  second  battalion  of  the  Charleston  militia 
will  parade  immediately  under  the  command  of  General 
Huger ;  after  draughting  five  hundred  of  them  the  remander 
of  them  will  go  into  the  trenches  and  put  themselves  under 
the  commanding  officer  there ;  with  the  500  he  will  march 
to  the  left  of  the  enemy's  line,  remain  as  near  them  as  he  pos- 
sibly can  without  being  seen,  until  four  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, at  which  time  the  troops  in  the  trenches  will  begin  an 
attack  upon  the  enemy;  he  will  then  advance  and  make  his 
attack  as  near  the  river  as  possible ;  though  this  is  only  meant 
as  a  feint,  yet  should  a  favorable  opportunity  offer,  he  will 
improve  it  and  push  into  the  town. 

"In  case  of  a  repulse  after  taking  Springhill  redoubt,  the 
troops  will  retreat  and  rally  in  the  rear  of  redoubt;  if  it  can- 
not be  effected  that  way,  it  must  be  attempted  by  the  same 
route  at  which  they  entered. 


THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMINGO    LEGION  77 

"The  second  place  of  rallying  (or  the  first  if  the  redoubt 
should  not  be  carried)  will  be  at  the  Jews'  burying-ground, 
where  the  reserve  will  be  placed;  if  these  two  halts  should 
not  be  effected,  they  will  retire  towards  camp. 

"The  troops  will  carry  in  their  hats  a  piece  of  white  paper 
by  which  they  will  be  distinguished." 

General  Huger  with  his  five  hundred  militia,  covered  by  the 
river  swamp,  crept  quite  close  to  the  enemy's  lines  and  deliver- 
ed his  attack  as  directed.  Its  purpose  was  to  draw  attention  to 
that  quarter  and  if  possible  cause  a  weakening  of  the  strength 
in  the  left  centre  of  the  line.  What  its  real  effect  was,  there 
is  now  no  means  of  knowing. 

Count  Dillon,  who  during  the  siege  had  been  on  D'Estaing's 
right,  and  who  appears  to  have  been  second  in  command  in 
the  French  army,  in  this  assault  was  placed  in  comm.and  of  a 
second  attacking  column.  His  purpose  was  to  move  to  the 
right  of  General  Huger,  and  keeping  in  the  edge  of  the  swamps 
along  the  river,  steal  past  the  enemy's  batteries  on  the  left, 
and  attack  him  in  the  rear.  Bancroft  describes  the  results  of 
his  efforts  as  follows:  "The  column  under  Count  Dillon,  which 
was  to  have  attacked  the  rear  of  the  British  lines,  became  en- 
tangled in  a  swamp  of  which  it  should  only  have  skirted  the 
edge  was  helplessly  exposed  to  the  British  batteries  and  could 
not  even  be  formed."  Here  were  the  two  strong  sand-filled 
redoubts,  mounted  with  heavy  cannon,  and  these  may  have 
been  the  batteries  that  stoppeu    Dillon's  column. 

Count  Pulaski  with  his  two  hundred  brave  cavalrymen, 
undertook  his  part  in  the  deadly  drama  with  ardor,  and  be- 
gan that  perilous  ride  which  had  for  its  object:  "to  penetrate 
the  enemy's  lines,  between  the  battery  on  the  left  of  the 
.Springhill  redoubt,  and  the  next  towards  the  river."  Balcli 
describes  it  as  an  attempt  to  "penetrate  into  the  city  by  gal- 
loping between  the  redoubts."  It  was  the  anticipation  of  the 
Crimean  "Charge  of  the  Light  Brigade;"  only  in  this  case, 
no  one  blundered ;  it  was  simply  a  desperate  chance.  Cannon 
were  to  the  right,  left,  and  front,  and  the  heroic  charge  proved 
in  vain;  the  noble  Pole   fell,   banner*   in   hand,   pierced   with   a 

-^ 

"The  prescntatio'.i  ol  this  banner  by  the  Moravian  Nuns  of  Bethlehem 
fr»rms  the  text  of  the  poem  by  Longfellow  beginning: — 

When  the  dying  flame  of  day 

Throvtgrh  the  chancel  .«hot  its  ray. 


78  THH    BLACK    ST.    DOMINGO    IKGION' 

mortal  avouikI — anotlier  foreign  martyr  to  our  dearly  bought 
freedom. 

The  cavalry  dash  having  failed,  that  much  of  the  general 
plan  was  blotted  out.  The  feints  may  have  been  understood ; 
it  is  said  a  sergeant  of  the  Qiarlcston  Grenadiers  deserted 
during  the  night  of  the  8th  and  gave  the  whole  plan  of  the 
attack  to  General  Prevost.  so  that  he  knew  just  where  to 
strengthen  his  lines.  The  feints  were  efifectually  checked 
by  tlie  garrison  on  the  left,  twenty-eight  of  the  Americans 
being  killed:  while  Dillon's  column  was  stopped  by  the  bat- 
teries near  the  river.  This  state  of  affaiis  allowed  the  whole 
of  Maitland's  lorce  to  protect  the  Springhill  redoubt  and  that 
part  of  the  line  which  was  most  threatened.  The  .Springhill 
redoubt,  as  has  been  stated,  was  occupied  by  the  South  Caro- 
lina regiment  and  a  corps  of  dragoons.  This  circumstance 
may  account  for  the  fact,  that  while  the  three  hundred  and 
fifty  Charleston  militia  occupied  a  most  exposed  position  in 
the  attacking  column,  only  one  man  among  them  was  killed 
and  but  six  wounded.  The  battery  on  the  left  of  this  redoubt 
was  garri.soned  b}-  grenadiers  and   marines. 

The  attacking  column  now  advanced  boldly,  under  the  com- 


Far  the  glimmering  tapers  shed 

Faint  light  on  the  cowled  head; 

And  the  censer  burning  swung. 

Where,  before  the  altar,  hung 

The  crimson  banner,  thai  with  prayer 

Had   been   consecrated   there. 

And  the  nuns'  sweet  hymn  was  heard  the  while, 

Sung  low  in  the  dim.  mysterious  ai  ;!e. 
"Take  thy  banner!  may  it  wave 
Proudly  o'er  the  good  and  brave; 
When  the  battle's  distant  wail 
Breaks  the  Sabbath  of  our  vale, 
When  the  cannon's  music  thrills 
To  the  hearts  of  those  lone  hills, 
When  the  spear  in  conflict  shakes. 
And  the  strong  lance  shivering  breaks. 

*  *  *  *  :|< 

"Take  thy  banner!  and  if  e'er 
Thou  should'.st  press  the  soldier's  bier 
And  the  muffled  drum  shall  beat 
To  the  tread  of  mournful  feet, 
Then  the  crimson  flag  shall  be 
Martial  cloak  and  shroud  for  thee." 
The  warrior  took  that  banner  proud, 
And  it  was  his  martial  cloak  and  shroud. 


THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMIiNUO    LEGION  79 

mand  of  D'Estaing  and  Lincoln,  the  Americans  consisting  of 
six  hundred  continental  troops  and  three  hundred  and  tifty 
Qiarleston  militia,  being  on  the  left,  while  the  centre  and 
right  were  made  up  of  the  French  forces.  They  \A'ere  met 
with  so  severe  and  steady  a  fire  that  the  head  of  the  cohimn 
was  soon  thrown  into  confusion.  The}-^  endured  this  fire  for 
fifty-five  minutes,  returning  it  as  best  they  could,  although 
many  of  the  men  had  no  opportunity  to  fire  at  all.  Two 
American  standards  and  one  French  standard,  were  placed 
on  the  British  works,  but  their  bearers  were  instantly  killed. 
It  ])eing  found  impossible  to  carry  any  part  of  the  works^ 
,,cner;il  retreat  was  ordered.  CVf  the  six  hundred  conti- 
iiv^iital  troops,  more  than  one-third  had  fallen,  and  about  one- 
fifth  of  the  French.  The  Charleston  militia  had  not  suffered, 
although  they  had  bravely  borne  their  part  in  the  assault, 
and  it  had  certainly  been  no  fault  of  theirs  if  their  brethren 
behind  the  embankments  had  not  fired  upon  them.  Count 
D'Estaing  had  received  two  wounds,  one  m  the  thigh,  and  be- 
ing unable  to  move,  was  saved  by  the  young  naval  lieutenant 
Truguet.  Ramsey  gives  the  losses  of  the  battle  as  follows : 
French  soldiers  760:  officers  61 ;  Americans  312;  total  J  i 
be 


'  As  the  army  began  its  retreat,  l^ieutenant -colonel  Maitland 
with  the  grenadiers  and  marines,  who  were  incorporated  with 
the  grenadiers,  charged  its  rear  with  the  purpose  of  accom- 
plishing its  annihilation.  It  was  then  that  there  occurred  Jhe 
most  brilliant  feat  of  the  day,  aiid  om'""ot'"TFie "Bravest  ever 
per{ormejlby'T6feigif^^  t  in  tlie  Arncncan  cause.     In  tfie 

al^iJjOtTTE^aing  was  a  legion  of  black  and  mulatto  Ireed- 
men,  known  as  Fontages  Legion,  commanded  by  Vfcount  (le 
Fontages,  a  brave  and  experienced  officer.  The  strength  oi 
this  legion  is  given  variously  from  six  hundred  to  over  eight 
hundred  men.  Xliis  legion  .^ipt  the,  fierce  charge  of  Mait- 
^.|and  and  saved  the  retreating  army.  ..  "^^.--..,--. 

In  an  official  record  prepare.d:;hr:^  now  before  me,  are 

these  words:  "This  legion  saved  the  army  at  Savannah  by 
bTavely  coveriiig  its  retreat.  Anrong" tlie  Blacks  who  rendered 
signar"sefvTces  at  that  Time  were:  Andre,  Beauvais,  Rigaud, 
Villatte,  Beauregard,  Lambert,  who  latterly  became  generals 
under  the  convention,  including  Henri  Christophe,  the  fu- 
ture king  of  Haiti."  This  quotation  is  taken  from  a  paper 
secured   by    the    Honorable    Richard    Rush,   our   minister   to 


So  THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMINGO    LF.GIOX 

Paris  in  1849,  ^^'^  is  preserved  in  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society.  Henri  Christophe  received  a  dangerous  gunshot 
wound  in  Savannah.  Balch  says  in  speaking  of  Pontages  at 
Savannah :  "He  commanded  there  a  legion  of  mulattoes,  ac 
cording  to  my  manuscript,  of  more  than  eight  hundred  men, 
and  saved  the  army  after  the  useless  assault  on  the  fortifica- 
tions, by  bravely  covering  the  retreat." 

It  was  this  legion  that  formed  the  connecting  link  between 
the  siege  of  Savannah  and  the  wide  development  of  republi- 
can liberty  on  the  Western  continent,  which  followed  early 
in  the  present  century.  In  order  to  show  this  connection  and 
the  sequences,  it  will  be  necessary  to  sketch  in  brief  the  his- 
tor  of  this  remarkable  body  of  men,  especially  that  of  the 
prominent  individuals  who  distinguished  themselves  at  Sa- 
vannah. 

In  1779  the  French  colony  of  Saint  Domingo  was  in  a  state 
of  peace,  the  population  then  consisting  of  white  slavehold- 
ers, mulatto  and  black  freedmen  (affranchis),  and  slaves. 
Count  D'Estaing  received  orders  to  recruit  men  from  Saint 
Domingo  for  the  auxiliary  army ;  and  there  being  no  question 
of  color  raised,  received  into  the  service  a  legion  of  colored 
freedmen.  There  had  been  for  years  a  colored  militia  in  Sainr. 
Domingo,  and  as  early  as  1716,  the  Marquis  de  Chateau  Mor- 
nnt,  then  governor  of  the  colony,  made  one  Vincent  the  Cap- 
tain-general of  all  the  colored  militia  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Cape.  This  Captain  Vincent  died  in  1780  at  the  reputed  age 
of  120  years.  He  was  certainly  of  great  age,  for  he  had  been 
in  the  siege  of  Carthegenia  in  1697,  was  taken  prisoner,  af- 
ter\vards  liberated  by  exchange  and  presented  to  Louis  XIV, 
and  fought  in  tlie  German  war  under  Villars.  Moreau  de 
St.  Mery,  in  his  description  of  Vincent,  incidentally  mentions 
the  Savannah  expedition.  He  says:  "I  saw  him  (Vincent* 
the  year  preceding  his  death,  recalling  his  ancient  provve-.s 
lO  the  men  of  color  who  were  enrolling  themselves  for  the 
expedition  to  Savannah ;  and  showing  in  his  descendants  whc* 
were  among  the  first  to  offer  themselves,  that  he  had  trans- 
mitted his  valor.  Vincent,  the  good  Captain  Vincent,  had  a 
most  pleasing  countenance;  and  the  contrast  of  his  blacic 
skin  with  his  white  hair  produced  an  effect  that  always  com- 
manded respect." 

The   Havtian   historian.   Enclus   Kobin.  says  when  the  call 


Hutchinson  Island. 


THE    BLACK    ST.    DOxMINGO    LEGION  $1 

for  volunteers  reached  Saint  Domingo :  "eight  hundred  young 
freedmen,  blacks  and  mulattoes,  offered  themselves  to  take 
part  in  the  expedition ;"  that  they  went  and  "fought  valiantly ; 
and  T'eturned  to  Saint  Domingo  covered  with  glory."  Madiou, 
another  Haytian  historian  of  the  highest  respectability  says : 
"A  crowd  of  young  men,  black  and  colored,  enlisted  with  the 
French  troops  and  left  for  the  continent  They  covered  thent-' 
selves  with  glory  in  the  siege  of  Savannah,  under  the  orders 
of  Count  D'Estaing." 

What  effect  this  experience  had  upon  these  volunteers  may 
be  inferred  from  their  subsequent  history.  Robiri  says : 
"These  men  who  contributed  their  mite  toward  American  in- 
dependence, had  still  their  mothers  and  sisters  in  slavery ; 
and  they  themselves  were  subject  to  humiliating  discrimina- 
tions. Should  not  France  have  expected  from  that  very  mo- 
ment, that  they  would  soon  use  in  their  own  cause,  those  very 
arms  which  they  had  learned  so  well  to  use  in  the  interests  of 
others?"  Madiou  says:  "On  their  return  to  Saint  Domingo 
they  demanded  for  their  brothers  the  enjoyment  of  political 
rights."  Beauvais  went  to  Europe  and  served  in  the  army 
of  France ;  but  returned  to  fight  for  liberty  in  Hayti,  and  was 
Captain-general  in  1791  ;  Rigaud,  Lambert  and  Christophe 
wrote  tlienr  names-— not  in  the  sand.  Tliese  are  the  men  who 
tjafecTjo^sti^r  Saint  Domingo,  under  whose  infleunce  Hayti 
became  the  first  country  of  the  New  World,  after  th.e  United 
States,  To  throw  oft'  European  rule.  The  connection  between 
tHe^siege  of  Savannah  and  the  independence  of  Hayti  is  traced, 
both  as  to  its  spirit,  and  physically,  through  the  black  legion 
that  on  that  occasion  saved  the  American  army.  How  this 
connection  is  traced  to  the  repul)lics  of  South  America,  I  will 
allow  a  Haytian  statesman  and  man  of  letters,  honored  both 
at  home  and  abroad,  to  relate.  I  translate  from  a  work  pub- 
lished in  Paris  in  1885 ; 

"The  illustrious  Bolivar,  liberator  and  founder  of  five  re- 
publics in  South  America,  undertook  in  181 1  his  great  work  of 
shaking  off  the  yoke  of  Spain,  and  of  securing  the  independ- 
ence of  those  immense  countries  which  swelled  the  pride  of 
the  catholic  crown — but  failed.  Stripped  of  all  resources  he 
took  flight  and  repaired  to  Jamaica,  where  he  implored  in  vain 
of  the  governor  of  that  island,  the  help  of  England.  Almost 
in  despair,  and  without  means,  he  resolved  to  visit  Hayti,  and 


82  THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMINGO    LEGION 

appeal  to  the  generosity  of  the  black  Republic  for  the  help 
necessary  to  again  undertake  that  work  of  liberation  which 
had  gone  to  pieces  in  his  hands.  Never  was  there  a  more 
solemn  hour  for  any  man — and  that  man  the  representative 
of  the  destiny  of  South  America  !  Could  he  hope  for  success  ? 
After  the  English,  who  had  every  interest  in  the  destruction 
of  Spanish  colonial  power,  had  treated  him  with  so  much  in- 
diflference,  could  he  hope  that  a  new-born  nation,  weak,  with 
microscopic  territory,  and  still  guarding  anxiously  its  own 
ill-recognized  independence,  would  risk  itself  in  an  enterprise 
hazardous  as  the  one  he  represented?  Full  of  doubt  he  came; 
but  Petion  gave  him  a  most  cordial  welcome. 

"Taking  the  precautions  that  a  legitimate  sentiment  of  pru- 
dence dictated  at  that  delicate  moment  of  our  national  exist- 
ence, the  government  of  Port-au-Prince  put  to  the  disposition 
of  the  hei-o  of  Boyaca  and  Carabobo,  all  the  elements  of  ..liich 
he  had  need — and  Bolivar  needed  everything.  Men,  arms  and 
money  were  generously  given  him.  Petion  did  not  wish  to 
act  openly  for  fear  of  compromising  himself  with  the  Spanish 
government;  it  was  arranged  that  the  men  should  embark  se- 
cretly as  volunteers ;  and  that  no  mention  of  Hayti  should 
ever  be  made  in  any  official  act  of  Venezuela." 

Bolivar's  first  expedition  with  his  Haytian  volunteers  was 
a  failure ;  returning  to  the  island  he  procured  reinforcements 
and  made  a  second  descent  which  was  brilliantly  successful. 
Haytian  arms,  money  and  men  turned  Bolivar's  disasters  to 
victory;  and  the  spirit  of  Western  liberty  marched  on  to  the 
redemption  of  South  America.  The  liberation  of  Mexico  and 
all  Central  America,  followed  as  a  matter  of  course ;  and  the 
ground  was  thus  cleared  for  the  practical  application  of  that 
Continentalism  enunciated  in  the  Monroe  doctrine. 

The  black  men  of  the  Antilles  who  fought  in  the  siege  of 
Savannah,  enjoy  unquestionably  the  proud  historical  distinc- 
tion of  being  the  physical  conductors  that  bore  away  from 
our  altars  the  sacred  fire  of  liberty  to  rekindle  it  in  their  own 
land ;  and  also  of  becoming  the  humble  but  important  link 
that  served  to  unite  the  Two  Americas  in  the  bond  of  enlight- 
ened independence. 

T.  G.  STEWARD,  U.  S.  A. 

Note: — In  the  preparation  of  the  above  paper  I  have  been 
greatly  assisted  by  the  Honorable  L.  J.  Janvier,  Charge  d' 


THE    BLACK    ST.    DOMINGO    LEGION  83 

affairs  d'  Haiti,  in  London ;  by  Right  Reverend  James  Theo- 
dore Holly,  bishop  of  Hayti,  and  by  Messrs.  Charles  and 
Frank  Rudolph  Steward  of  Harvard  University.  To  all  of 
these  gentlemen  my  thanks  are  here  expressed.  T.  G.  S. 

Paper  read  at  the  session  of  the  Negro  Academy,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C,  1898. 


B. 

EXTRACTS  FROM  CHAPTER  XVI  "NEGRO  TROOPS 
IN  THE  REBELLION"— WILLIAMS. 

Adjutant-General  Thomas  in  a  letter  to  Senator  Wilson, 
May  30,  1864,  says :  "Experience  proves  that  they  manage 
heavy  guns  very  well.  Their  fighting  qualities  have  also 
been  fully  tested  a  number  of  times,  and  I  am  yet  to  hear  of 
the  first  case  where  they  did  not  fully  stand  up  to  their  work." 
Major-General  James  G.  Blunt  Avriting  of  the  battle  of 
Hoiiey"  Springs,  Arkansas,  said  of  Negro  troops:  '"The  Ne- 
groes (First  Colored  Regiment)  were  too  much  for  the  enemy, 
and  leOiie  here  say  that  I  never  saw  such  fighting  as  vv'as  done 
bv  that  Negro  regiment.  They  fought  like  veterans,  with  a 
cobhiess  and  valor  that  is  unsurpassed.  They  preserved  their 
iTiie  perfect  throughout  the  whole  engagement,  and  .although 
in  the  hottest  of  the  fight,  they  never  once  faltered.  Too  much 
praise  cannot  be  awarded  them  for  their  gallantry.  The  ques- 
tion that  Negroes  will  fight  is  settled ;  besides,  they  make  bet- 
ter soldiers  in  every  respect  than  any  troops  I  have  ever  had 
under  my  command." 

General  Thomas  J.   Morgan,   speaking  of  the  courage  of 
Negro  troops  in  the  battle  of  Nashville,  and  its  effect  upon 

^lajor-General  George  H.  Thomas,  says :  "Those  who  fell 
nearest  the  enemy's    works    vveic    colored.       General    Thomas 

"spoke  very  feelingly  of  the  sight  which  met  his  eye  as  he 
rode  over  the  field,  and  he  confessed  that  the  Negro  had  fully 
vindicated  his  bravery,  and  wiped  from  his  mind  the  last  ves- 
tige of  prejudice  and  doubt." 


.84  THE    BLAt:K    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE   BLACK   REGULARS   OF   THE  ARMY   OF   INVASION   IN 
THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR. 

Organization  of  Negro  Regiments  in  the  Regular  Army — First  Move  in 
the  War — Chickamauga  and  Tampa — Note. 

Altogether  the  colored  soldiers  in  the  Civil  War  took  pan 
and  sustained  casualties  in  two  hundred  and  fifty-one  different 
engagements  and  came  out  of  the  prolonged  conflict  with  their 
character  so  well  established  that  up  to  the  present  hour  they 
have  been  able  to  hold  an  important  place  in  the  Regular  Army 
of  the  United  States.  No  regiment  of  colored  troops  in  the  ser- 
vice was  more  renowned  at  the  close  of  the  war  or  has  secured 
a  more  advantageous  position  in  the  history  of  that  period  than 
the  Fifty-fourth  Massachusetts  Regiment  of  Infantry.  Re- 
cHirEed  "arnorig^  tiie  free  colored  people  of  the  North,  many  of 
them  coming  from  Ohio,  it  vvas  remarkable  for  the  intelligence 
and  character  of  its  men,  and  for  the  high  purpose  and  noble 
bearing  of  its  officers.  Being  granted  bii^half  the__25yP5^ 
month  ^iven  to  white  soldiers,  the  regiment  to  a  man,  for  €igh- 
teen  months  refused  to  receive  one  cent  from  the  Government. 
This  was  a  spectacle  that  the  country  could  not  longer  stand. 
One  thousand  volunteers  fighting  the  country's  battles  without 
any  compensation  rather  than  submit  to  a  discrimination  fatal 
to  their  manhood,  aroused  such  a  sentiment  that  Congress  was 
compelled  to  put  them  on  the  pay-roll  on  equal  footing  with 
all  other  soldiers.  By  them  the  question  of  the  black  soldier's 
pay  and  rations  was  settled  m  the  Army  of  the  United  State? 


THE    I5LACK    REGULARS    IN    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR  85 

for  all  time.  Every  soldier,  indeed  every  man  in  the  army,  ex- 
cept the  chaplain,  now  draws  the  pay  of  his  grade  without  re- 
gard to  color,  hair  or  race.  By  the  time  these  lines  reach  the 
public  eye  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  even  the  chaplain  will  be  lifted 
from  his  exceptional  position  and  given  the  pay  belonging  to 
his  rank  as  captain. 

(February  2,  1901,  the  bill  becarne  9,. ia^, giving  chaplains 
the  full  pay  of  their  grade. ) 

More  than^iS^Qop  blacks,  all  told,  seryed  in  the  army  of  the 
Union  during  the  Wci^r.,.ol,the,  Eeb^Uion,  and  the  losses  from 
their  ranks  of  men  killed  in  battle  were  as  heavy  as  from  the 
white  troops.  Their  bravery  was  everywhere  recognized,  and 
in  the  short  time  in  which  they  were  employed,  several  rose  to 
commissions. 

Perhaps  the  most  notable  act  performed  by  a  colored  Amer- 
ican during  the  war  was  the  capture  and  delivery  to  the  United 
SfafesToVces  of  the  rebel  steamer  Planter,  by  Robert  Smalls,  of^    \ 
Charleston.     Smalls  was  employed  as  pilot  on  the  Planter,  a      (^ 
rebel  transport,  and  was  entirely  familiar  with  the  harbors  and       1 
inlets,  of  which  there  are  many,  on  the  South  Atlantic  coast.        / 
On  May  13,  1862,  the  Planter  came  to  her  wharf  in  Charleston,       ^ 
and  at  night  all  the  white  officers  <^vent  ashore,  leaving  a  col- 
ored crew  of  eight  men  on  board  in  charge  of  Smalls.    Smalls 
hastily  got  his  wife  and  three  children  on  board,  and  at  2        , 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  14th  steamed  out  into  the  harbor,       ', 
passing  the  Confederate  forts  by  giving  the  proper  signals,  and       i^ 
when  fairly  out  of  reach,  as  daylight  came,  he  ran  up  tbe  Stars        ! 
and  Stripes  and  headed  his  course  directly  toward  the  Union 
fleet,  into  whose  hands  he  soon  surrendered  himself  and  his 
ship.     The  act  caused  much  favorable  comment  and  Robert 
Smalls  became  quite  a  hero.    His  subsequent  career  has  been  in 
keeping  with  the  high  promise  indicated  by  this  bold  dash  for 


86  THE    HLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

liberty,  and  his  name  has  received  additional  histre  from  gal- 
lant services  performed  in  the  war  after,  and  in  positions  of 
distinguished  honor  and  responsibility  in  civil  life.  The  Plan- 
ter, after  being  accepted  by  the  United  States,  became  a  des- 
patch boat,  and  Smalls  demonstrating  by  skill  and  bravery  his 
fitness  for  the  j^osition,  was  finally,  as  an  act  of  imperative  jus- 
tice, made  her  commander. 

With  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War  the  prejudice 
against  a  standing  army  was  so  great  that  the  army  was  re- 
duced to  scarce  six  hundred  men,  and  the  Negro  as  a  soldier 
dropped  out  of  existence.  W'hen  the  War  of  1812  closed  sen- 
timent with  regard  to  the  army  had  made  but  little  ad- 
vancement, and  consequently  no  place  in  the  service  was  left 
for  Negro  soldiers.  In  the  navy  the  Negro  still  lingered,  do- 
ing service  in  the  lower  grades,  and  keeping  up  the  succession 
from  the  black  heroes  of  '76  and  1812.  When  the  War  of  the 
Rebellion  closed  the  country  had  advanced  so  far  as  td^see  bbth" 
the  necessity  of  a  standing  army,  and  the  fitness  of  the  Negro 
to  form  a  part  of  the  army;  and  from  this  position  it  has' never 
receded,  and  if  the  lessons  of  the  Cuban  campaign  are  rightly 
heeded,  it  is  not  likely  to  recede  therefrom.  The  value  of  the 
Regular  iVrmy  and  of  the  Black  Regular  were  both  proven  to 
an  absolute  demonstration  in  that  thin  line  of  blue  that  com- 
pelled the  surrender  of  Santiago. 

In  July,  1866,  Congress  passed  an  act  adding  eight  new  regi- 
ments of  infantry  and  four  of  calvary  to  the  nineteen  regiments 
of  infantry  and  six  of  calvary  of  which  those  arms  of  the  Regu- 
lar Army  were  at  that  time  composed,  thus  making  the  per- 
manent establishment  to  consist  of  five  regiments  of  artillery, 
twenty-seven  of  infantry,  and  ten  of  cavalry.  Of  the  eight 
new  infantry  regiments  to  be  formed,  four  were  to  be  composed 
of  colored  men ;  and  of  the  four  proposed  for  the  calvary  arm. 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAX    WAR         87 

two  were  to  be  of  colored  men.  The  President  was  empowered 
by  the  act  also  to  appoint  a  chaplain  for  each  of  the  six  regi- 
ments of  colored  troops.  Under  this  law  the  Ninth  and  Tenth 
Cavalry  Regiments  were  organized. 

In  1869  the  infantry  suffered  further  reduction,  and  the  four 
colored  regiments  organized  under  the  law  of  1866,  numbered 
respectively  the  38th,  39th,  40th  and  41st,  were  consolidated 
into  two  regiments,  and  numbered  the  24th  and  25th — the 
38th  and  41st  becoming  the  former,  and  the  39th  and  40th  the 
latter.     Previous  to  this  consolidation  the  numbers  between 
the  old  19th  and  the  38th,  which  was  the  lowest  number  borne 
by  the  new  colored  regiments,  were  filled  in  by  dividing  the       / 
old  three  batallion  regiments  in  the  service,  and  making  of  the      / 
second  and  third  batallions  of  these  regiments  new  regiments.     ^ 
The  whole  infantry  arm,  by  the  law  of  1869,  was  compressed     L 
into  twenty-five  regiments,  and  in  that  condition  the  army  re- 
mains to  the  present,  to  wit  :*  Ten  regiments  of  cavalry,  five 
of  artillery  and  twenty-five  of  infantry. 

The  number  of  men  in  a  company  and  the  number  of  com- 
panies in  a  regiment  have  varied  greatly  within  the  past  few 
months.  Just  previous  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  a  regi- 
ment of  infantry  consisted  of  eight  companies  of  about  sixty 
men  each,  and  two  skeletonized  companies  and  the  band — the 
whole  organization  carrying  about  five  hundred  men;  now  a 
regiment  of  infantry  consists  of  twelve  companies  of  106  men 
each  and  with  the  non-commissioned  staff  numbers  twelve  hun- 
dred and  seventy-four  men. 

Since  1869,  or  for  a  period  of  thirty  years,  the  colored  Amer- 
ican has  been  represented  in  the  Regular  Army  by  these  four 
regiments  and  during  this  time  these  reigments  have  borne 


«> 


*The  army  has  been   reorganized  since.     See   Register. 


88  THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

more  than  tlieir  proportionate  share  in  hard  frontier  service, 
including  all  sorts  of  Indian  campaigning-  and  much  severe 
guard  and  fatigue  duty.  The  men  have  conducted  themselves 
so  worthily  as  to  receive  from  the  highest  military  authority 
the  credit  of  being  among  our  best  troops.  General  Miles  and 
General  Merritt,*  with  others  who  were  active  leaders  in  the 
Indian  wars  of  the  West,  have  been  unstinting  in  their  praise 
of  the  valor  and  skill  of  colored  soldiers.  They  proved  them- 
selves not  only  good  individual  fighters,  but  in  some  instances 
non-commissioned  officers  exhibited  marked  coolness  and  abil- 
ity in  command.' 

From  1869  to  the  beginning  of  the  Hispano- American  War 
there  were  in  the  Regular  Army  at  some  time,  as  commissioned' 
officers,  the  following  colored  men.  all  from  West  Point,  all 
serving  with  the  cavalry,  and  none  rising  higher  than  first- 
lieutenant,  viz :  John  H.  Alexander,  H.  O.  Flipper  and  Charles 
Young.  H.  O.  Flipper  was  dismissed;  Alexander  died,  and 
Young  became  major  in  the  volunteer  service,  and  was  placed 
in  command  of  the  Ninth  Battalion  of  Ohio  Volunteers,  dis- 
charging the  duties  of  his  position  in  such  a  manner  as  to  com- 
mand general  satisfaction  from  his  superior  officers.** 

These  colored  men  while  cadets  at  West  Point  endured  hard- 


*"My  experience  in  this  direction  since  the  war  i?  beyond  that  of 
any  officer  of  my  rank  in  the  army.  For  ten  years  I  had  the  honor  of 
being  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry,  and  during  most  of  that 
service  I  commanded  garrisons  composed  in  part  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry 
and  other  organizations  of  cavalry  and  infantry.  I  have  always  found 
the  colored  race  represented  in  the  army  obedient,  intelligent  and  zealous 
in  the  discharge  of  duty,  brave  in  battle,  easily  disciplined,  and  most  effi- 
cient in  the  care  of  their  horses,  arms  and  equipments.  The  non-com- 
missioned officers  have  habitually  shown  the  qualities  for  control  in  their 
position  which  marked  them  as  faithful  and  sensible  in  the  discharge  of 
thcit  luties.  I  take  pleasure  in  bearing  witness  as  above  in  the  interest 
of  the  race  you  represent."  WESLEY  MERRITT. 


■■'See  chapter  on  Colored  Officers. 

H*Young  is  now  captain  in  the  Ninth  Cavalry. — T.  G.  S. 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR  89 

ships  disgraceful  to  their  countr\-,  and  when  entering  the  army 
Avere  not  given  that  cordial  welcome  by  their  brother  officers, 
becoming  an  "officer  and  gentleman,"  both  to  give  and  to  re- 
ceive. Of  course  there  were  some  noble  exceptions,  and  this 
class  of  officers  seems  to  be  steadily  increasing,  so  that  now  it 
is  no  longer  necessary,  even  on  the  ground  of  expediency,  to 
strive  to  adhere  to  the  rule  of  only  white  men  for  army  offi- 
cers. Of  Alexander  and  Young  it  can  be  said  they  have  ac- 
quitted themselves  well,  the  former  enjoying  the  confidence  and 
esteem  of  his  associates  up  to  the  time  of  his  early  death — an 
event  which  caused  deep  regret — and  the  latter  so  impressing 
the  Governor  of  his  State  and  the  President  as  to  secure  for 
himself  the  responsible  position  which  he,  at  the  time  of  this 
wiiting,  so  worthily  fills.  Besides  these  line  officers,  five  col- 
ored chaplains  have  been  appointed,  all  of  whom  have  served 
successfully,  one,  however,  being  dismissed  by  court-martial 
after  many  years  of  really  meritorious  service,  an  event  to  be 
regretted,  but  by  no  means  without  parallel. 

Brief  sketches  of  the  history  of  these  four  colored  regiments, 
as  well  as  of  the  others,  have  been  recently  made  by  members  of 
them  and  published  in  the  Journal  of  the  Military  Service 
Institution  and  subsequently  in  a  large  and  beautiful  volume 
edited  by  Brigadier-General  Theo.  F.  Rodenbough  and  Major 
William  L.  Haskin,  published  by  the  Institution  and  designated 
"The  Army  of  the  United  States,"  a  most  valuable  book  of 
reference.  From  the  sketches  contained  therein  the  following 
summary  is  given. 

The  Twenty-fourth  Infantry  was  organized,  as  we  have  seen, 
from  the  38th  and  41st  Regiments,  these  two  regiments  being 
at  the  time  distributed  in  New  Mexico,  Louisiana  and  Texas, 
and  the  regiment  remained  in  Texas  from  the  time  of  its  or- 
ganization in  1869  until  1880.    Its  first  Lieutenant-Colonel  was 


90  JHE    ULACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

William  R.  Shafter.  It  was  from  this  regiment  and  the 
Tenth  Cavalry  that  the  escort  of  Paymaster  Wham  was  se- 
lected which  made  so  brave  a  stand  against  a  band  of  rob- 
bers that  attacked  the  paymaster  that  several  of  them  were 
given  medals  for  distinguished  gallantry,  and  others  certifi- 
cates of  merit.  The  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  was  organized  in 
New  Orleans  out  of  the  39th.  that  was  brought  from  North 
Carolina  for  that  purpose,  and  the  40th,  that  was  then  in 
Louisiana.  It  was  organized  during  the  month  of  April,  1869, 
and  early  in  1870  moved  to  Texas,  where  it  remained  ten  years. 
In  1880  it  moved  to  the  Department  of  Dakota  and  remained 
in  the  Northwest  until  it  took  the  road  for  the  Cuban  war. 

The  Ninth  Cavalry  was  organized  in  New  Orleans  during 
the  winter  of  1866-67.  Its  first  Colonel  was  Edward  Hatch  and 
its  first  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wesley  Merritt.  From  1867  to 
1890  it  was  in  almost  constant  Indian  warfare,  distinguishing 
itself  by  daring  and  hardihood.  From  1890  to  the  opening 
of  the  Cuban  war  it  remained  in  Utah  and  Nebraska,  engaging 
in  but  one  important  campaign,  that  against  hostile  Sioux  dur- 
ing the  winter  of  1890-91,  in  which,  says  the  historian:  "The 
regiment  was  the  first  in  the  field,  in  November,  and  the  last  to 
leave,  late  in  the  following  March,  after  spending  the  winter, 
the  latter  part  of  which  was  terrible  in  its  severity,  under  can- 
vas." 

The  Tenth  Calvary  was  organized  under  the  same  law  as 
was  the  Ninth,  and  at  the  same  time.  Its  place  of  rendezvous 
was  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  and  its  first  Colonel,  Benjamin 
H.  Grierson.  This  regiment  was  the  backbone  of  the  Geron- 
imo  campaign  force,  and  it  finally  succeeded  in  the  capture  of 
that  wily  warrior.  The  regiment  remained  in  the  Southwest 
until  1893,  when  it  moved  to  Montana,  and  remained  there  un- 
til ordered  to  Chickamauga  for  the  war. 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR  9I 

These  four  regiments  were  finely  officered,  well  drilled  and 
well  experienced  in  camp  and  field,  particularly  the  cavalry 
regiments,  and  it  was  of  them  that  General  iMerritt  said:  "I 
have  always  found  them  brave  in  battle."  With  such  train- 
ing and  experience  they  were  well  fitted  to  take  their  place  in 
that  selected  host  of  fighting  men  which  afterwards  became 
the  Fifth  Army  Corps,  placed  under  command  of  Major-Gen- 
eral William  R.  Shafter,  the  first  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  the 
Twenty-fourth  Infantry. 

When  the  news  of  the  blowing  up  of  our  great  battleship 
Maine,  in  the  harbor  of  Havana,  with  the  almost  total  loss  of 
her  crew,  flashed  over  the  country,  carrying  sadness  to  hun- 
dreds of  homes,  and  arousing  feelings  of  deepest  indignation 
whether  justly  or  unjustly,  it  was  easy  to  predict  that  we 
should  soon  be  involved  in  war  with  Spain.  The  Cuban  ques- 
tion, already  chronic,  had  by  speeches  of  Senators  Thurston 
and  Proctor  been  brought  to  such  a  stage  of  aggravation  that 
it  needed  only  an  incident  to  set  the  war  element  in  motion. 
That  incident  was  furnished  by  the  destruction  of  the  Maine. 
Thenceforth  there  was  no  power  in  the  land  sufficient  to  curb 
the  rapidly  swelling  tide  of  popular  hate,  which  manifested  it- 
self in  the  un-Christian  but  truly  significant  mottoes  :  ''Remem- 
ber the  Maine,"  "Avenge  the  IMlaine,"  and  "To  hell  with 
Spain."  These  were  the  outbreathings  of  popular  fury,  and 
they  represented  a  spirit  quite  like  that  of  the  mob,  which  was 
not  to  be  yielded  to  implicitly,  but  which  could  not  be  directly 
opposed. 

The  President  did  all  in  his  power  to  stay  this  element  of 
our  population  and  to  lead  the  country  to  a  more  befitting  al- 
titude. He  and  his  advisers  argued  that  Spain  was  to  be  re- 
sisted, and  fought  if  necessary,  not  on  account  of  the  Maine, 
not  in  the  spirit  of  revenge,  but  in  the  interest  of  humanity. 


92  THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

and  upon  principles  sanctioned  even  by  our  holy  religion.  On 
iDchalf  of  the  starving  reconcentrados,  and  in  aid  of  the  noble 
Cuban  patriot,  we  might  justly  arm  and  equip  ourselves  for 
the  purpose  of  driving  Spanish  rule  from  the  Western  Hemis- 
phere. 

This  view  appealed  to  all  lovers  of  freedom,  to  all  true 
patriots,  and  to  the  Christian  and  philanthropist.  It  also  af- 
forded a  superb  opportunity  for  the  old  leaders  in  the  South, 
who  were  not  entirely  relieved  from  the  taint  of  secession,  to 
come  out  and  reconsecrate  themselves  to  the  country  and  her 
flag.  Hence,  Southern  statesmen,  who  were  utterly  opposed 
to  Negroes  or  colored  men  having  any  share  in  ruling  at  home, 
became  very  enthusiastic  over  the  aspirations  of  the  colored 
Cuban  patriots  and  soldiers.  The  supporters,  followers,  and  in 
a  sense,  devotees  of  Maceo  and  Gomez,  were  worthy  of  our 
aid.  The  same  men,  actuated  by  the  same  principles,  in  the 
Carolinas,  in  Louisiana  or  in  Mississippi,  would  have  been  pro- 
nounced by  the  same  authorities  worthy  of  death. 

The  nation  was,  however,  led  into  war  simply  to  liberate 
Cuba  from  the  iniquitous  and  cruel  yoke  of  Spain,  and  to  save 
thousands  of  impoverished  Cubans  from  death  by  starvation. 
Great  care  was  taken  not  to  recognize  the  Cuban  government 
in  any  form,  and  it  seemed  to  be  understood  that  we  were  to 
do  the  fighting  both  with  our  navy  and  our  army,  the  Cubans 
being  invited  to  co-operate  with  us,  rather  than  that  we  should 
co-operate  with  them.  We  were  to  be  the  liberators  and  sav- 
iors of  a  people  cru'shed  to  the  very  gates  of  death.  Such  was 
the  platform  upon  which  our  nation  stood  before  the  world 
when  the  first  orders  went  forth  for  the  mobilization  of  its 
forces  for  war.  It  was  a  position  worthy  our  history  and  char- 
acter and  gave  to  our  national  flag  a  prouder  meaning  than 
ever.  Its  character  as  the  emblem  of  freedom  shone  out  with 
awe-inspiring  brilliancy  amid  the  concourse  of  nations. 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR  93 

While  there  was  such  a  clamor  for  war  in  the  newspapers 
and  in  the  public  speeches  of  statesmen,  both  in  and  out  of  Con- 
gress, it  is  remarkable  that  the  utmost  serenity  prevailed  in  the 
army.  Officers  and  men  were  ready  to  fight  if  the  stern  neces- 
sity came,  but  they  were  not  so  eager  for  the  death-game  as 
were  the  numerous  editors  whose  papers  were  getting  out  ex- 
tras every  half- hour.  It  was  argued  by  the  officers  of  rank 
that  the  Maine  incident  added  nothing  whatever  to  the  Cuban 
question;  that  it  did  not  involve  the  Spanish  Government;  that 
the  whole  subject  mig-ht  well  be  left  to  arbitration,  and 
full  respect  should  be  given  to  Spain's  disclaimer.  It  was  al.so 
held  that  to  rush  into  a  war  in  order  to  prevent  a  few  people 
from  starving,  might  not  relieve  them,  and  at  the  same  time 
would  certainly  cost  the  lives  of  many  innocent  men.  Spain 
was  revising  her  policy,  and  the  benevolence  of  the  United 
States  would  soon  bring  bread  to  the  door  of  every  needy 
Cuban.  Such  remarks  and  argtmients  as  these  were  used  by 
men  who  had  fought  through  one  war  and  were  ready  to  fight 
through  another  if  they  must;  but  who  were  willing  to  go  to 
any  reasonable  length  to  prevent  it;  and  yet  the  men  who 
used  such  argiunents  beforehand  and  manifested  such  a  shrink- 
ing from  carnage,  are  among  those  to  whom  the  short  Spanish 
War  brought  distinction  and  promotion.  To  their  honor  be 
it  said  that  the  war  which  gave  them  fresh  laurels  was  in  no 
sen^e  brought  about  througii  their  instigation. 

As  chaplain  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  stationed  with  the 
headquarters  of  the  regiment  at  Fort  Missoula,  where  w^e  had 
been  for  ten  years,  the  call  for  the  war  met  me  in  the  midst 
of  my  preparations  for  Easter  service.  One  young  man,  then 
Private  Thomas  C.  Butler,  who  was  practicing  a  difficult  solo 
for  the  occasion,  before  the  year  closed  became  a  Second  Lien- 
tenant,  having  distinguished  himself  in  battle;  the  janitor,  who 


94  1HE    lil.ACK    REGULARS    IN    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

cared  for  my  singing  books,  and  who  was  my  chief  school 
teacher.  Private  French  Payne,  always  poHte  and  everywhere 
efficient,  met  his  death  from  a  Spanish  bullet  while  on  the  re- 
serve before  bloody  El  Caney. 

It  was  on  a  bright  day  during  the  latter  part  of  March  and 
near  the  close  of  the  day  as  I  was  looking  out  of  the  front  win- 
dow of  my  quarters  that  I  saw  the  trumpeter  of  the  guard  come 
out  of  the  Adjutant's  office  with  a  dispatch  in  his  hand  and 
start  on  a  brisk  run  toward  the  quarters  of  the  Commanding 
Officer.  I  immediately  divined  what  was  in  the  wind,  but  kept 
quiet.  In  a  few  minutes  "officers'  call"  was  sounded,  and  all 
the  officers  of  the  post  hastened  to  the  administration  building 
to  learn  the  news. 

When  all  were  assembled  the  Commanding  Officer  desired  to 
know  of  each  company  officer  how  much  time  he  would  need  to 
have  his  company  ready  to  move  from  the  post  to  go  to  a  per- 
manet  station  elsewhere,  and  from  all  officers  how  much  time 
they  would  require  to  have  their  families  ready  to  quit  the  sta- 
tion. The  answers  generally  were  that  all  could  be  ready  with- 
in a  week.    It  was  finally  agreed,  however,  to  a-sk  for  ten  days. 

Immediately  the  work  of  preparation  began,  although  none 
knew  where  the  regiment  was  to  go.  At  this  time  the  order, 
so  far  as  it  was  understood  at  the  garrison,  was,  that  two  com- 
panies were  to  go  to  Key  West,  Florida,  and  the  other  com- 
panies of  the  reg-iment  to  Dry  Tortugas.  One  officer.  Lieuten- 
ant V.  A.  Caldell,  early  saw  through  the  haze  and  said:  "It 
means  that  we  will  all  eventually  land  in  Cuba."  While  we 
were  packing,  rumors  flew  through  the  garrison,  as  indeed 
through  the  country,  thick  and  fast,  and  our  destination  was 
changed  three  or  four  times  a  day.  One  hour  we  would  be  go- 
ing to  Key  West,  the  next  to  St.  Augustine,  the  next  to  Tor- 
tugas.   In  this  confusion  I  asked  an  old  frontier  officer  where 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR  95 

he  thought  we  would  really  go.  Regarding  himself  as  an  in- 
dicator and  always  capable  of  seeing  the  amusing  side  of  a 
subject,  he  replied :  "I  p'int  toward  Texas."  Such  was  the 
state  of  uncertainty  as  to  destination,  and  yet  all  the  time  the 
greatest  activity  prevailed  in  making  ready  for  departure. 
Finall}'  definite  orders  came  that  we  were  to  store  our  furniture 
in  the  large  gymnasium  hall  at  the  post  and  prepare  to  go  in 
camp  at  Chickamauga  Park,  Georgia. 

Our  regiment  was  at  the  time  stationed  as  follows ;  Head- 
quarters,  four  companies  and  the  band  at  Fort  Missoula; 
two  companies  at  Fort  Harrison,  near  Helena,  and  two  com- 
panies at  Fort  Assinniboine,  all  in  Montana.  The  arrange- 
ments contemplated  moving  the  regiment  in  two  sections,  one 
competed  of  the  INIissoula  troops  to  go  over  the  Northern 
Pacific  Railroad,  the  other  of  the  Fort  Harrison  and  Fort 
Assinniboine  troops  to  go  over  the  Great  Northern  Railroad, 
all  to  arrive  in  St.  Paul  about  the  same  time. 

On  the  loth  of  April,  Easter  Sunday,  the  battalion  at  Fort 
Missoula  marched  out  of  post  quite  early  in  the  morning,  and 
at  Bitter  Root  Station  took  the  cars  for  their  long  journey. 
Officers  and  men  were  all  furnished  sleeping  accommodations 
on  the  train.  Arriving  in  the  city  of  Missoula,  for  the  grati- 
fication of  the  citizens  and  perhaps  to  avoid  strain  on  the 
bridge  crossing  the  Missoula  River,  the  men  were  disem- 
barked from  the  train  and  marched  through  the  principal 
streets  to  the  depot,  the  citizens  generally  turning  out  to  see 
tliem  ofif.  Many  were  the  compliments  paid  officers  and  men 
by  the  good  people  of  Missoula,  none  perhaps  more  pleasing 
than  that  furnished  by  a  written  testimonial  to  the  regret  ex- 
perienced at  the  departure  of  the  regiment,  signed  by  all  the 
ministers  of  the  city. 

As  the  Twenty-fifth  was  the  first  regiment  to  move  in  the 


96  THE    KLACK    REdULAKS    IN    THE     SPANMSH-AM  KRICAN    WAK 

preparation  for  war,  its  progress  from  Montana  to  Chicka- 
mauga  was  a  marked  event,  attracting  the  attention  of  both 
the  daily  and  ilhistrated  press.  All  along  the  route  they  were 
greeted  with  enthusiastic  crowds,  who  fully  believed  the  wa? 
with  Spain  had  begun.  In  St.  Paul,  in  Chicago,  in  Terre 
Haute,  in  Nashville,  and  in  Chattanooga  the  crowds  assembled 
to  greet  the  black  regulars  who  were  first  to  bear  forward  the 
Starry  Banner  of  Union  and  Freedom  against  a  foreign  foe. 
What  could  be  more  significant,  or  more  fitting,  than  that  these 
black  soldiers,  drilled  up  to  the  highest  'Standard  of  modern 
warfare,  cool,  brave  and  confident,  themselves  a  proof  o; 
American  liberty,  should  be  called  first  to  the  front  in  a  war 
against  oppression  ?  Their  martial  tread  and  fearless  bearing 
proclaimed  what  the  better  genius  of  our  great  government 
meant  for  all  men  dwelling  beneath  the  protection  of  its  hon- 
ored flag. 

As  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  was  the  first  regiment  to  leave 
its  station,  so  six  companies  of  it  were  first  to  go  into  camp 
on  the  historic  grounds  of  Chickamauga.  Two  companies  were 
separated  from  the  regiment  at  Chattanooga  and  forwarded 
to  Key  West  where  they  took  station  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  S.  Daggett.  The  remaining  six  com- 
panies, under  command  of  Colonel  A.  S.  Burt,  were  conducted 
by  General  Boynton  to  a  choice  spot  on  the  grounds,  where 
they  pitched  camp,  their  tents  being  the  first  erected  in  that 
mobilization  of  troops  which  preceded  the  Cuban  invasion,  and 
theirs  being  really  the  first  camp  of  the  war. 

Soon  came  the  Ninth  Cavalry,  the  Tenth  Cavalry  and  the 
Twenty-fourth  Infantry.  While  these  were  a^:sembling  there 
arrived  on  the  ground  also  many  white  regiments,  cavalry,  ar- 
tillery and  infantry,  and  it  was  pleasing  to  see  the  fraternity 
that  prevailed  among  black  and  white  regulars.     This  was  es- 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERTCAN    WAR         97- 

pecially  noticeable  between  the  Twenty-fifth  and  Twelfth,  Ii* 
brigading  the  regiments  no  attention  whatever  was  paid  to  the 
race  or  color  of  the  men.  The  black  infantry  regiments  were 
placed  in  two  brigades,  and  the  black  cavalry  likewise,  and  they 
can  be  followed  through  the  fortunes  of  the  war  in  the  offi- 
cial records  by  their  regimental  numbers.  During-  their  stay 
in  Chickamauga.  and  at  Key  West  and  Tampa,  the  Southern 
newspapers  indulged  in  considerable  malicious  abuse  of  col- 
ored soldiers,  and  some  people  of  this  section  made  complaints 
of  their  conduct,  but  the  previous  good  character  of  the  regi- 
ments and  the  violent  tone  of  the  accusations,  taken  together 
with  the  well-known  prejudices  of  the  Southern  people,  pre- 
vented their  complaints  from  having  very  great  weight.  The 
black  soldiers  held  their  place  in  the  army  chosen  for  the  in- 
vasion of  Cuba,  and  for  that  purpose  were  soon  ordered  to  as- 
semble in  Tampa. 

From  the  loth  of  April,  when  the  war  movement  began  with 
the  march  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  out  of  its  Montana  sta- 
tions, until  June  14th,  when  the  Army  of  Invasion  cleared 
Tampa  for  Cuba — not  quite  two  months — the  whole  energy: 
of  the  War  Department  had  been  employed  in  preparing  the- 
army  for  the  work  before  it.  The  beginning  of  the  war  is 
ofificially  given  as  April  21st,  from  which  time  onward  it  was 
declared  a  state  of  war  existed  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States,  but  warlike  movements  on  our  side  were  begun  fully 
ten  days  earlier,  and  begun  with  a  grim  definiteness  that  pre- 
saged much  more  than  a  practice  march  or  spring  manoeuver. 

After  arriving  at  Chickamauga  all  heavy  baggage  was  ship- 
ped away  for  storage,  and  all  officers  and  men  were  required  to 
reduce  their  field  equipage  to  the  minimum ;  the  object  being 
to  have  the  least  possible  amount  of  luggage,  in  order  that 
the  greatest  possible  amount  of  fighting  material  might  be  car- 


^8  THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

ried.  Even  with  all  this  preparation  going  on  some  officws 
were  indulging  the  hope  that  the  troops  might  remain  in  camps, 
perfecting  themselves  in  drill,  until  vSeptember,  or  October,  be- 
fore they  should  be  called  upon  to  embark  for  Cuba.  This, 
however,  was  not  to  be,  and  it  is  perhaps  well  that  it  was  not, 
as  the  suffering  and  mortality  in  the  home  camps  were  almost 
equal  to  that  endured  by  the  troops  in  Cuba.  The  suffering 
at  home,  also,  seemed  more  disheartening,  because  it  appeared 
to  be  useless,  and  could  not  be  charged  to  any  important 
changes  in  conditions  or  climate.  It  was  perhaps  in  the  inter- 
est of  hiunanity  that  this  war, waged  for  humanity's  sake,  should 
liave  been  pushed  forward  from  its  first  step  to  its  last,  with  the 
greatest  possible  dispatch,  and  that  just  enough  men  on  our 
side  were  sent  to  the  front,  and  no  more.  It  is  still  a  good 
iaying  that  all  is  well  that  ends  well. 

The  Chickamauga  and  Chattanooga  National  Military  Park, 
the  place  where  our  troops  assembled  on  their  inarch  to  Cuba, 
beautiful  by  nature,  especially  in  the  full  season  of  spring  when 
the  black  soldiers  arrived  there,  and  adorned  also  by  art,  has, 
next  to  Gettysburg,  the  most  prominent  place  among  the  his- 
toric battle-fields  of  the  Civil  War.  As  a  park  it  was  estab- 
lished by  an  act  of  Congress  approved  August  19,  1890,  and 
contains  seven  thousand  acres  of  rolling  land,  partly  cleared 
and  partly  covered  with  oak  and  pine  timber.  Beautiful  broad 
roads  wind  their  way  to  all  parts  of  the  ground,  along  which 
are  placed  large  tablets  recording  the  events  of  those  dreadful 
days  in  the  autumn  of  1863,  when  Americans  faced  Americans 
in  bloody,  determined  strife.  Monuments,  judiciously  placed, 
speak  with  a  mute  eloquence  to  the  passer-by  and  tell  of  the 
valor  displayed  by  some  regiment  or  battery,  or  point  to  the 
spot  where  some  lofty  hero  gave  up  hi-s  life.  The  whole  park 
is  a  monument,  however,  and  its  definite  purpose  is  to  pre- 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR         99 

serve  and  suitably  mark  "for  historical  and  professional  mili- 
tary study  the  tields  of  some  of  the  most  remarkable  manoe- 
uvres and  most  brilliant  fighting-  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion." 
The  battles  commemorated  b}^  this  great  park  are  those  oi 
Chickamauga,  fought  on  September  19-20,  and  the  battles 
around  Chattanooga,  November  23-25,  1863.  The  battle  ot 
Chickamauga  Avas  fought  by  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland, 
commanded  by  Major-General  W.  S.  Rosecrans,  on  the  Union 
side,  and  the  Army  of  Tennessee,  commanded  by  General 
Braxton  Bragg,  on  the  side  of  the  Confederates.  The  total  ef- 
fective strength  of  the  Union  forces  in  this  battle  was  little 
less  than  60,000  men,  that  of  the  Confederates  about  70,000. 
Th€  total  Union  loss  was  16,179  men.  a  number  about  equal 
to  the  army  led  by  Shafter  against  Santiago.  Of  the  number 
reported  as  lost,  1,656  were  killed,  or  as  many  as  were  lost  in 
killed,  wounded  and  missing  in  the  Cuban  campaign.  The 
Confederate  losses  were  17,804,  2,389  being  killed,  making  on 
both  sides  a  total  killed  of  4^045,  equivalent  to  the  entire  vot- 
ing- population  of  a  city  of  over  twenty  thousand  inhabitants. 
General  Grant,  who  commanded  the  Union  forces  in  the  battles 
around  Chattanooga,  thus  sums  up  the  results :  "In  this  battle 
the  Union  army  numbered  in  round  figures  about  60.000  men ; 
we  lost  752  killed,  4,713  wounded  and  350  captured  or  miss- 
ing. The  rebel  loss  was  much  greater  in  the  aggregate,  as  we 
captured  and  sent  North  to  be  rationed  there  over  6,100 
prisoners.  Forty  pieces  of  artillery,  over  seven  thousand  stand 
of  small  arms,  many  caissons,  artillery  w'agons  and  baggage 
wagons  fell  into  our  hands.  The  probabilities  are  that  our 
loss  in  killed  was  the  heavier  as  we  were  the  attacking  party. 
The  enemy  reported  his  loss  in  killed  at  361.  but  as  he  re- 
ported his  missing  at  4,146,  while  we  held  over  6,000  of  them 
.as  prisoners,  and  there  must  have  been  hundreds,  if  not  thous- 


ICO  THE    bl.ACK    REGULARS    IX    THE    SPAXlSII-ASIBKICAy    WAR 

ands.  who  deserted,  but  iittle  reliance  can  be  {^aced  upon  this 
report." 

In  the  battle  of  Qiickamauga,  when  "four-fifths  of  the  Union 
Army  had  crumbled  into  wild  contusion,"  and  Rosecrans  wa> 
intent  only  on  sa\-ing  the  fragments.  General  Thomas,  who  had 
commanded  the  Federal  left  during  the  two  days'  conflict,  and 
had  borne  the  bnmt  of  the  fight,  still  held  his  position.  To 
him  General  James  A.  Garfield  reported.  General  Gordon 
Granger,  without  orders,  brought  up  the  reserves,  and  Thoma?. 
replacing  his  lines,  held  tlie  ground  until  nightfall,  when  he 
■was  joined  by  Sheridan.  Bragg  won  and  held  the  field,  Init 
Thomas  effectually  blocked  his  way  to  Chattanooga,  securing 
to  himself  immediately  the  title  of  the  "Rock  of  Chicka- 
raauga."  His  wonderful  resolution  stayed  the  tide  of  a  vic- 
tory dearly  bought  and  actually  won,  and  prevented  the  victors 
frc«n  grasjwng  the  object  for  which  they  had  fought.  In  honor 
of  this  stubbbom  valor,  and  in  recognition  of  this  high  ex- 
pression of  -\merican  tenacit)-,  the  camp  established  in  Chicka- 
mauga  Park  by  the  assembling  army  was  called  Camp  George 
II.  Thomas. 

The  stay  of  the  colored  r^^ilars  at  Camp  George  H.  Thomas 
A-as  siiort,  but  it  was  long  enough  for  certain  newspapers  of 
Chattanooga  to  give  expression  to  their  dislike  to  n^^o  troops 
in  general  and  to  those  in  their  proximity  especially.  The 
Washington  Post.  also,  ever  faithful  to  its  unsavory-  trust,  lent 
its  influence  to  this  work  of  defamation.  The  leading  papers, 
however,  both  of  Chattanooga  and  the  South  generally,  spoke 
out  in  rather  conciliatory-  and  patronizing  tones,  and  nought  to 
restrain  the  people  of  their  section  from  compromising  thetr 
brilliant  display  of  patriotism  by  contemptuous  flings  at  the 
nation's  true  and  tried  soldiers. 

The  24th  Infantry  and  the  9th  Cavalrj'  soon  left  for  Tampa, 


THE    BLACK    REGfLARS    IX    THE   SPAXISH-AMERICAK    WAR       lOI 

Florida,  whither  they  were  followed  by  the  loth  Cavalry  and 
the  25th  Infantr\-.  thus  bringing  the  entire  colored  element 
of  the  army  tog^ether  to  prepare  for  embarkation.  The  work 
done  at  Tampa  is  thus  described  officially  by  Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Daggett  in  general  orders  addressed  to  the  25th  Infantry, 
which  he  at  that  time  commanded.  On  August  nth.  with 
headquaners  near  Santiago,  after  the  g^eat  battles  had  beea 
focght  and  won,  he  thus  reviewed  the  work  of  the  regiment : 
"Gathered  from  three  different  stations-  many  of  you  strang- 
ers to  each  other,  you  assembled  as  a  regiment  for  the  first  time 
in  more  than  twent\--eight  years,  on  May  7.  1898.  at  Tampa, 
Florida.  There  you  endeavored  to  solidify  and  prepare  your- 
selves, as  far  as  the  oppressive  weather  would  permit,  for  the 
work  that  appeared  to  be  before  you."  What  is  here  said  of 
the  25th  might  have  been  said  with  equal  propriety  of  all  the 
regular  troops  assembled  at  Tampa. 

In  the  meantime  events  v.-ere  ripening  with  great  rapidity-. 
The  historic  "first  gun'"  had  been  fired,  and  the  United  States 
made  the  first  naval  capture  of  the  war  on  April  22,  the  coast 
trader  Buena  Ventura  having  surrendered  to  the  American 
gunboat  Xash\-ille.  On  the  same  day  the  blockade  of  Cuban 
ports  was  declared  and  on  the  day  following  a  call  was  issued 
for  125,000  volunteers.  On  May  20th  the  news  that  a  Spanish 
fleet  under  command  of  Admiral  Cer\-era  had  arrived  at  San- 
tiago was  officially  confirmed,  and  a  speedy  movement  to  Cuba 
V.2S  determined  upon. 

Almost  the  entire  Regular  Army  with  several  volunteer 
regiments  were  organized  into  an  Army  of  Invasion  and  placed 
under  the  command  of  Major-General  \\".  R.  Shafter  with  or- 
ders to  prepare  immediately  for  embarkation,  and  on  the  7th 
and  loth  of  June  this  army  went  on  board  the  transports.  For 
seven  days  the  troops  lay  cooped  up  on  the  vessels  awaiting 


I02       THE    i:l,ACK    REGULARS    IX    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

orders  to  sail,  a  rumor  having-  gained  circulation  that  certain 
Spanish  gunboats  were  hovering  around  in  Cuban  waters 
awaiting  to  swoop  down  upon  the  crowded  transports.  While 
the  Army  of  Invasion  was  sweltering  in  the  ships  lying  at 
anclior  off  Port  Tampa,  a  small  body  of  American  marines 
made  a  landing  at  Guantanamo.  and  on  June  12th  fought  the 
first  battle  between  Americans  and  Spaniards  on  Cuban  soil. 
In  this  first  battle  four  Americans  were  killed.  The  next  day, 
June  13th,  General  Shaffer's  army  containing  the  four  col- 
ored regiments,  excepting  those  left  behind  to  guard  property, 
sailed  for  Cuba.* 

The  whole  number  of  men  and  officers  in  the  expedition,  in- 
cluding those  that  came  on  transports  from  Mobile,  amounted 
to  about  seventeen  thousand  men,  loaded  on  twenty-seven 
transports.  The  colored  regiments  were  assigned  to  brigades 
as  follows:  The  Ninth  Cavalry  was  joined  with  the  Third  and 
Sixth  Cavalry  and  placed  under  command  of  Colonel  Carrol ; 
the  Tenth  Cavalry  was  joined  with  the  Rough  Riders  and  First 
Regular  Cavalry  and  fell  under  the  command  of  General 
Young;  the  Twenty- fourth  Infantry  was  joined  with  the  Ninth 
and  Thirteenth  Infantry  and  the  brigade  placed  under  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Worth  and  assigned  to  the  division  com- 
manded by  General  Kent,  who,  until  his  promotion  as  Briga- 
dier-General of  Volunteers,  had  been  Colonel  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth  :  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  was  joined  with  the  Fir.-t 
and  Fourth  Infantry  and  the  brigade  placed  under  command  of 
Colonel  Evans  Miles,  who  had  fomierly  been  Major  of  the 
Twenty-fifth.  All  of  the  colored  regiments  were  thus  happily 
placed  so  that  they  should  be  in  pleasant  soldierly  comi)etition 


*The  colored  regulars  were  embarked  on  the  following  named  ships : 
The  9th  Cavalry  on  the  Miami,  in  company  with  the  6th  Infantry;  the  lOth 
Cavalry  on  the  Leona,  in  company  with  the  ist  Cavalry;  the  24th  Infantry 
on  the  City  of  Washington,  in  company  with  one  battalion  of  the  21st  In- 
fantry; the  25lh  infantry  on  board  the  Concho,  in  company  with  the  4th 
Infantry. 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR       lOJ 

with  the  very  best  troops  the  country  ever  put  in  the  field,  and 
this  arrangement  at  the  start  proves  how  strongly  the  black 
regular  had  entrenched  himself  in  the  confidence  of  our  great 
commanders. 

Thus  sailed  from  Port  Tampa  the  major  part  of  our  little 
army  of  trained  and  seasoned  soldiers,  representative  of  the 
skill  and  daring  of  the  nation.*  In  physique,  almost  every 
man  was  an  athlete,  and  while  but  few  had  seen  actual  war  be- 
yond an  occasional  skirmish  with  Indians,  all  excepting  the 
few  volunteers,  had  passed  through  a  long  process  of  training 
in  the  various  details  of  marching,  camping  and  fighting  in 
their  annual  exercises  in  minor  tactics.  For  the  first  time  in 
history  the  nation  is  going  abroad,  by  its  army,  to  occupy  the 
territory  of  a  foreign  foe,  in  a  contest  with  a  trans-Atlantic 
power.  The  unsuccessful  invasions  of  Canada  during  the 
Revolutionary  War  and  the  War  of  1812  can  hardly  be  brougiit 
in  comparison  with  this  movement  over  sea.  The  departure 
of  Decatur  with  his  nine  ships  of  war  to  the  Barbary  States 
had  in  view  only  the  establishment  of  proper  civil  relations 
between  those  petty,  half-civilized  countries  and  the  United' 
States.  The  sailing  of  Cieneral  Shaffer's  aniiy  was  only  one 
movement  in  a  comprehensive  war  against  the  Kingdom  of 
Spain.  More  than  a  month  earlier  Commodore  Dewey,  acting 
under  orders,  had  destroyed  a  fleet  of  eleven  war  ships  in  the 
Philippines.  The  purpose  of  the  war  was  to  relieve  the  Cu- 
bans from  an  inhumane  warfare  with  their  mother  country, 
and  to  restore  to  that  unhappy  island  a  stable  government  in 
harmony  with  the  ideas  of  liberty  and  justice. 

Up  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  Spanish  War  the  American 
policy  with  respect  to  Europe  had  been  one  of  isolation.  Some 
efforts  had  l)een  made  to  eonsolidate  the  sentiment  of  the  West- 


*See  Note,  at  the  close  of  this  chapter. 


■j04       the    black    regulars    in    THK     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR 

crn  world,  but  it  had  never  been  successful.  The  fraternity  of 
the  American  Republics  and  the  attempted  construction  of  a 
Pan-American  policy  had  been  thus  far  unfulfilled  dreams. 
Canada  was  much  nearer  to  the  United  States,  geographically 
and  socially,  than  even  Mexico,  although  the  latter  is  a  repub- 
lic. England,  in  Europe,  was  nearer  than  Brazil.  The  day 
came  in  1898,  when  the  United  States  could  no  longer  remain 
in  political  seclusion  nor  bury  herself  in  an  impossible  federa- 
tion. ^^'^ashington's  advice  against  becoming  involved  in 
European  affairs,  as  well  as  the  direct  corrollary  of  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine,  were  to  be  laid  aside  and  the  United  States  was 
to  speak  out  to  the  world.  The  business  of  a  European  na- 
tion had  become  our  business;  in  the  face  of  all  the  world  we 
resolved  to  invade  her  territory  in  the  interest  of  humanity; 
to  face  about  upon  our  own  traditions  and  dare  the  opinions 
and  arms  of  the  trans-Atlantic  world  by  openly  launching 
.upon  the  new  policy  of  armed  intervention  in  another's  quarrel. 
While  the  troops  were  mobilizing  at  Tampa  preparatory  to 
embarking  for  Cuba  the  question  came  up  as  to  why  there  were 
no  colored  men  in  the  artillery  arm  of  the  service,  and  the  an- 
swer given  by  a  Regular  Army  officer  was,  that  the  Negro  had 
not  brains  enough  for  the  management  of  heavy  guns.  It  was 
a  trifling  assertion,  of  course,  but  at  this  period  of  the  Negro's 
history  it  must  not  be  allowed  to  pass  unnoticed.  We  know 
that  white  men  of  all  races  and  nationalities  can  serve  big 
guns,  and  if  the  Negro  cannot,  it  must  be  because  of  some 
marked  difference  between  him  and  them.  The  officer  said  it 
was  a  difference  in  "brains,"  i.  e.,  a  mental  difference.  Just 
how  the  problem  of  aiming  and  firing  a  big  gun  differs  from 
that  of  aiming  and  firing  small  arms  is  not  so  easily  explained. 
In  both,  the  questions  of  velocity,  gravitation,  wind  and  resis- 
tance are  to  be  considered  and  these  are  largely  settled  by  me- 


THE    BLACK    REGULARS    IN    THE     SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR       I05 

chanism,  the  adjustment  of  which  is  readily  learned;  hence  the 
assumption  that  a  Negro  cannot  learn  it  is  purely  gratuitous. 
Several  of  the  best  rifle  shots  known  on  this  continent  are 
Negroes ;  and  it  was  a  Negro  who  summerized  the  whole 
philosophy  of  rifle  shooting  in  the  statement  that  it  all  con- 
sists in  knowing  zvhcrc  to  aim,  and  hozv  to  pull — in  knowing 
just  what~value  to  assigivto  gravitation^  drift  of  the  bullet  and 
force  of  the  wind,  and  then  in  being  able  to  pull  the  trigger 
of  the  piece  without  disturbing  the  aim  thus  judiciously  deter- 
mined. This  includes  all  there  is  in  the  final  science  and  art 
of  firing  a  rifle.  If  the  Negro  can  thus  master  the  revolver, 
the  carbine  and  the  rifle,  why  ma)'  he  not  master  the  field  piece 
or  siege  gun  ? 

But  an  ounce  of  fact  in  such  things  is  worth  more  than 
many  volumes  of  idle  speculation,  and  it  is  remarkable  that 
facts  so  recent,  so  numerous,  and  so  near  at  hand,  should  es- 
cape the  notice  of  those  who  question  the  Negro's  ability  to 
serve  the  artillery  organizations.  Negro  artillery,  both  light 
and  heavy,  fought  in  fifteen  battles  in  the  Civil  War  with  aver- 
age effectiveness;  and  some  of  those  who  fought  against  them 
must  either  admit  the  value  of  the  Negro  artilleryman  or  ac- 
knowledge their  own  inefficiency.  General  Fitz-Hugh  Lee 
failed  to  capture  a  Negro  battery  after  making  most  vigorous 
attempts  tO  that  end.  This  attempt  to  raise  a  doubt  as  to  the 
Negro's  ability  to  serve  in  the  artillery  arm  is  akin  to,  and 
less  excusable,  than  that  other  groundless  assertion,  that  Negro 
officers  cannot  command  troops,  an  assertion  which  in  this 
country  amounts  to  saying  that  the  United  States  cannot  com- 
mand its  army.  Both  of  these  assertions  have  been  emphati- 
cally answered  in  fact,  the  former  as  shown  above,  and  the  lat- 
ter as  will  be  shown  later  in  this  volume.  These  assertions  are 
only  temporary  covers,  behind  which  discomfitted  and  retreat- 


Jo6        lUE    ULACK    REGUI.AKS    IN    THE    SPAN  JSH-AiMKRlCAN    WAR 

ing  prejudice  is  able  to  make  a  brief  stand,  while  the  black  hero 
of  five  hundred  battle-fields.,  marches  proudly  by,  disdaining 
to  lower  his  gun  to  fire  a  shot  on  a  foe  so  unworthy.  WTien 
the  Second  Massachusetts  Volunteers  sent  up  their  hearty 
cheers  of  welcome  to  the  gallant  old  Twenty-fifth,  as  that 
solid  column  fresh  from  El  Caney  swung  past  its  camp,  I  re- 
marked to  Sergeant  Harris,  of  the  Twenty-fifth :  "Those  men 
think  you  are  soldiers."'  ''They  know  we  are  soldiers,"  was 
his  reply.  When  the  people  of  this  country,  like  the  mem- 
bers of  that  Massachusetts  regiment,  come  to  know  that  its 
black  men  in  uniform  are  soldiers,  plain  soldiers,  with  the  same 
interests  and  feelings  as  other  soldiers,  of  as  much  value  to  the 
government  and  entitled  from  it  to  the  same  attention  and  re- 
wards, ihen  a  grcot  step  toward  the  solution  of  the  prodigious 
pioblem  now  -confronting  us  will  h^ve  been  taken. 


Note. — "I  liad  often  heard  that  the  physique  of  the  men  of  our 
regular  array  was  very  remarkable,  but  the  first  time  I  saw  any 
large  body  of  them,  which  was  at  Tampa,  they  surpassed  my 
highest  expectations.  It  is  not,  however,  to  be  wondered  at 
that,  for  every  recruit  who  is  accepted,  on  the  average  thirty- 
four  are  rejected,  and  that,  of  course,  the  men  who  present 
themselves  to  the  recruiting  officer  already  represent  a  physical 
'elite' ;  but  it  was  very  pleasant  to  see  and  be  assured,  as  I  was 
at  Tampa,  by  the  evidences  of  my  own  eyes  and  the  tape  meas- 
ure, that  there  is  not  a  guard  regiment  of  either  the  Russian, 
German  or  English  army,  of  whose  remarkable  physique  we 
have  heard  so  much,  that  can  compare  physically,  not  with  the 
best  of  our  men,  but  simply  with  the  average  of  the  men  of  our 
regular  army." — Bon.sal. 


BRIEF    SKKTCH    OF    SPANISH    HISTORY  I07 


CHAPTER  IV. 

BRIEF  SKETCH  OF  SPANISH  HISTORY. 

The  following  brief  sketch  of  Spain,  its  era  of  greatness, 
the  causes  leading  thereto,  and  the  reasons  for  its  rapid  de- 
cline, will  be  of  interest  to  the  reader  at  this  point  in  the  nar- 
rative, as  it  will  bring  into  view  the  other  side  of  the  impend- 
ing conflict: 

Spain,  the  iirst  in  rank  among  the  second-rate  powers  of 
Europe,  by  reason  of  her  possessions  in  the  West  Indies,  es- 
pecially Cuba,  may  be  regarded  as  quite  a  near  neighbor,  and 
because  of  her  connection  with  the  discovery  and  settlement 
of  the  continent,  as  well  as  the  commanding  part  she  at  one 
time  played  in  the  world's  jx)litics,  her  history  cannot  but 
awaken  within  the  breasts  of  Americans  a  most  lively  interest. 

As  a  geographical  and  political  fact,  Spain  dates  from  the 
earliest  times,  and  the  Spanish  people  gather  within  themselves 
the  blood  and  the  traditions  of  the  three  great  continents  of 
the  Old  World — Europe,  Asia  and  Africa — united  to  produce 
the  mighty  Spaniard  of  the  r5th  and  i6th  centuries.  It 
would  be  an  interesting  subject  for  the  anthropologist  to  trace 
the  construction  of  that  people  who  are  so  often  spoken  of  as 
possessing  the  pure  blood  of  Castile,  and  as  the  facts  should 
be  brought  to  view,  another  proud  fiction  would  dissipate  in 
thin  air,  as  we  should  see  the  Spaniard  arising  to  take  his  place 
among  the  most  mixed  of  mankind. 

The  Spain  that  we  are  considering  now  is  the  Spain  that 
gradually  emerged  from  a  chaos  of  conflicting  elements  into 


lo8  r.RlEK    SKETCH    OF    SPANISH    HISTORY 

the  unity  of  a  Christian  nation.  The  dismal  war  between 
creeds  gave  way  to  the  greater  conflict  between  religions,  when 
Cross  and  Crescent  contended  for  supremacy,  and  this  too  had 
passed.  The  four  stalwart  Christian  provinces  of  Leon,  Cas- 
tile, Aragon  and  Navarre  had  become  the  four  pillars  of  sup- 
port to  a  national  throne  and  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  were 
reigning.  Spain  has  now  apparently  passed  the  narrows  and 
is  crossing  the  bar  with  prow  set  toward  the  open  sea.  She 
ends  her  war  with  the  Moors  at  the  same  time  that  England 
ends  her  wars  of  the  Roses,  and  the  battle  of  Bosw'orth's  field 
may  be  classed  with  the  capitulation  of  Granada.  Both  na- 
tions confront  a  future  of  about  equal  promise  and  may  be 
rated  as  on  equal  footing,  as  this  new  era  of  the  world  opens 
to  view. 

What  was  this  new  era?  Printing  had  been  invented,  com- 
merce had  arisen,  gunpowder  had  come  into  use,  the  feudal  sys- 
tem was  passing,  royal  authority  had  become  paramount,  and 
Spain  was  giving  to  the  world  its  first  lessons  in  what  was 
early  stigmatized  as  the  "knavish  calling  of  diplomacy." 

Now  began  the  halcyon  days  of  Spain,  and  what  a  breed 
of  men  she  produced !  Read  the  story  of  their  conquests  in 
Mexico  and  Peru,  as  told  with  so  much  skill  and  taste  by  our 
own  Prescott;  or  read  of  the  grandeur  of  her  national  charac- 
ter, and  the  wonderful  valor  of  her  troops,  and  the  almost  mar- 
velous skill  of  her  Alexander  of  Parma,  and  her  Spinola,  as 
described  by  our  great  Motley,  and  you  will  see  something  of 
the  moral  and  national  glory  of  that  Spain  which  under 
Charles  V  and  Philip  II  awed  the  w'orld  into  respectful  silence. 

Who  but  men  of  iron,  under  a  commander  of  steel,  could 
have  conducted  to  a  successful  issue  the  awful  siege  of  Ant- 
werp, and  by  a  discipline  more  dreadful  than  death,  kept  for 
so  many  years,  armed  control  of  the  country    of    the    brave 


BRIEF    SKETCH    OF    SPANISH    HISTORV  IO9. 

Netherlanders?  A  Farnese  was  there,  who  could  support  and 
command  an  army,  carry  PhiHp  and  his  puerile  idosyncrasies 
upon  his  back  and  meet  the  fury  of  an  outraged  people  who 
were  fighting  on  their  own  soil  for  all  that  man  holds  dear. 
Never  was  wretched  cause  so  ably  led,  never  were  such  splen- 
did talents  so  unworthily  employed. 

Alexander  of  Parma,  Cortez,  the  Pizarros,  were  representa- 
tives of  that  form  of  human  character  that  Spain  especially 
developed.  Skill  and  daring  were  brought  out  in  dazzling 
splendor,  and  success  followed  their  movements.  Take  a  brief 
survey  of  the  Empire  under  Charles  V :  Himself  Emperor 
of  Germany;  his  son  married  to  the  Queen  of  England;  Turkey 
repulsed :  France  humbled,  and  all  Europe  practically  within 
his  grasp.  And  what  was  Spain  outside  of  Europe?  In  Amer- 
ica she  possessed  territory  covering  sixty  degrees  of  latitude, 
owning  Mexico,  Central  America,  Venezuela,  New  Granada, 
Peru  and  Chili,  with  vast  parts  of  North  America,  and  the 
islands  of  Cuba,  Jamaica  and  St,  Domingo.  In  Africa  and 
Asia  she  had  large  possessions — in  a  word,  the  energies  of  the 
world  were  at  her  feet.  The  silver  and  gold  of  America,  the 
manufactures  and  commerce  of  the  Netherlands,  combined  to 
make  her  the  richest  of  nations. 

The  limits  of  the  present  purpose  do  not  permit  an  exhaus- 
tive presentation  of  her  material  strength  in  detail,  nor  are  the 
means  at  hand  for  making  such  an  exhibit.  We  must  be  con- 
tent with  a  general  picture,  quoted  directly  from  Motley.  He 
says : 

"Look  at  the  broad  magnificent  Spanish  Peninsula,  stretch- 
ing across  eight  degrees  of  latitude  and  ten  of  longtitude,  com- 
manding the  Atlantic  and  the  Mediterranean,  with  a  genial 
climate,  warmed  in  winter  by  the  vast  furnace  of  Africa,  and 
protected  from  the  scorching  heats  of  summer  by  shady  moun- 


IIO  BRIEF    SKR'ICH    OK    SPANISH    HISTOUV 

tain  mid  forest,  and  temperate  breezes  from  either  ocean.  A 
j^'enerons  southern  territory,  flowing;  with  oil  and  wine,  and  all 
the  richest  gifts  of  a  bountiful  nature — splendid  cities — the 
new  and  daily  expanding  Madrid,  rich  in  the  trophies  of  the 
most  artistic  period  of  the  modern  world;  Cadiz,  as  populous 
at  that  day  as  London,  seated  by  the  straits  where  the  an- 
cient and  modern  systems  of  traffic  were  blending-  like  the 
mingling-  of  the  two  oceans;  Granada,  the  ancient,  wealthy 
seat  of  the  fallen  Moors ;  Toledo,  Valladolid,  and  Lisbon,  chief 
city  of  the  recently  conquered  kingdom  of  Portugal,  counting 
with  its  suburbs  a  larger  population  than  any  city  excepting 
Paris,  in  Europe,  the  mother  of  distant  colonies,  and  the  capital 
of  the  rapidly-developing  traffic  with  both  the  Indies — these 
were  some  of  the  treasures  of  Spain  herself.  But  she  pos- 
sessed Sicily  also,  the  better  portion  of  Italy,  and  important 
dq)endencies  in  Africa,  while  the  famous  maritime  discover- 
ies of  the  age  had  all  enured  to  her  aggrandizement.  The 
world  seemeil  suddenly  to  have  expanded  its  wings  from  East 
to  West,  only  to  bear  the  fortunate  Spanish  Empire  to  the 
most  dizzy  heights  of  wealth  and  power.  The  most  accom- 
plished generals,  the  most  disciplined  and  daring  infantry  the 
world  has  ever  known,  the  best  equipped  and  most  extensive 
navy,  royal  and  mercantile,  of  the  age,  were  at  the  absolute 
command  rtf  the  sovereign.    Such  was  Spain." 

Such  is  not  Spain  to-day.  A  quite  recent  writer,  speaking 
of  Spain  before  the  war,  said,  that  although  Spain  in  extent 
holds  the  sixth  place  in  the  European  states,  "it  really  now  sub- 
sists merely  by  the  sufferance  of  stronger  nations."  Thus 
has  that  nation,  which  three  centuries  ago  dominated  the  world, 
lost  both  its  position  and  its  energy. 

Without  attempting  to  sketcli  chronologically,  either  this 
rise  or  this  decline,  let  us  rather  direct  oiir  efforts  to  an  in- 


BRIEF    SKETCH    OK    SPANISH    HISTORY  I  I  C 

qtiiry  into  the  causes  of  both  the  one  and  the  other. 

In  attempting  to  explain  the  greatness  of  Spain  we  nmst 
give  first  place  to  the  vigor  of  the  Spanish  race.  The  great 
Spaniard  was  a  mighty  compovmd.  He  had  the  blood  of  Rome 
mingled  with  the  awful  torrent  that  gave  birth  to  the  soulless 
Goths  and  \^andals.  In  him  also  flowed  the  hot  blood  of  the 
Moors.  He  was  both  sturdy  and  fiery;  he  had  the  fervor  of  the 
South  with  the  tenacity  of  the  North ;  the  pride  of  the  Roman 
with  the  passion  of  the  Moor.  The  Spanish  race  was  em- 
phatically a  rich  race. 

And  then  we  must  remember  that  this  race  had  been  forged 
in  war.  Century  after  century,  from  the  earliest  times,  they 
had  lived  with  their  arms  in  their  hands.  First  came  the  long 
war  between  the  Arian  Vandals,  and  the  Trinitarian  natives ; 
then  the  scAen-hundred-year  war  with  the  followers  of  Ma- 
homed.   The  whole  mission  of  life  to  them  was  to  fight. 

Natiu'ally  there  was  developed  in  the  people  at  large  the 
most  complete  unification  and  subjection.  Individualism  gave 
place  almost  entirely  to  the  common  weal,  and  the  spectacle 
was  presented  of  a  nation  with  no  political  questions.  Mac- 
caulay  maintains  that  human  nature  is  such  that  aggregations 
of  men  will  always  show  the  two  principles  of  radicalism  and 
conservatism,  and  that  two  parties  will  exist  in  consequence, 
one  composed  of  those  who  are  ever  looking  to  a  brighter 
future,  the  other  of  those  who  are  ever  seeking  to  restore  a 
delightful  past;  but  no  such  phenomena  appear  in  the  ascend- 
ing period  of  Spain's  history.  The  whole  nation  moved  as  an 
organized  army,  steadily  forward,  until  its  zenith  was  reached. 
This  solidity  was  a  marked  element  of  its  strength. 

Mr.  Buckle  recognizes  this,  and  accounts  for  the  harmoniou.i 
movements  of  the  nation  by  the  influence  of  two  leading  prin- 
•ciples,  which  he  is  pleased  to  call  superstition    and    loyalty. 


112  IJRIEF    SKETCH    OF    SPANISH     HISTORY 

The  Arab  invasion  had  pressed  upon  the  Christians  with  such 
force  that  it  was  only  by  the  strictest  disciphne  that  the  latter 
had  managed  to  survive.  To  secure  such  discipline,  and  at 
the  same  time  supply  the  people  with  the  steady  enthusiasm 
necessary  to  support  a  war  from  century  to  century,  all  the 
terrors  and  all  the  glories  that  could  be  derived  from  religion 
were  employed.  The  church  and  the  state,  the  prince  and  the 
priest,  became  as  one,  and  loyalty  and  religion,  devotion  to 
the  standard  and  to  the  cross,  were  but  different  names  for  the 
same  principles  and  actions.  Hence  Spain  emerged  to  great- 
ness without  the  least  dream  of  liberty  of  either  person,  cons- 
cience or  thouglit.  Her  rallying  cry  was :  For  the  Prince  and 
the  Church ;  not,  For  God  and  Liberty.  She  went  up  to  great- 
ness the  most  loyal  and  the  most  religious  of  nations ;  but  Lib- 
erty, Justice  and  Truth  were  not  upon  her  banners. 

Look  over  the  territory  settled  and  conquered  by  her,  and 
what  do  we  see?  Columbus,  sailing  under  Spain,  names  the 
first  land  he  discovers  San  Salvador;  the  first  settlement  made 
in  this  country  is  St.  Augustine;  the  second,  Sante  Fe.  Look 
down  over  the  southern  half  of  our  continent  and  such  names 
as  Espirito  Santo,  Corpus  Christi,  San  Diego,  San  Juan,  San 
Jose,  San  Domingo  attest  the  religious  zeal  of  the  conquerors. 
They  were  missionaries  of  the  Cross,  robbing  the  people  of 
their  gold  and  paying  them  off  with  religion. 

Steadfast  in  the  faith  and  sturdy  in  her  loyalty,  Spain  re- 
sisted all  innovations  with  respect  to  her  religious  beliefs,  and 
all  insurrections  against  her  government.  Her  Alva  and  her 
Torqnemada  but  illustrated  how  strong  was  her  conservatism, 
while  her  Isabella  and  her  Philip  H  show  how  grand  and  com- 
prehensive and  how  persistent  was  her  aggressiveness,  under 
the  idea  of  spreading  and  upiiolding  the  true  faith.  She  not 
only  meant  to  hold  all  she  had  of  wealth  and  power,  but  she  as- 


BRIEF   SiCETCd    Oi    SPANISH    HISTORY  II3. 

pired  to  universal  dominion;  already  chief,  she  desired  to  be 
sole,  and  this  in  the  interest  and  name  of  the  Holy  Church. 

The  Reformation  did  not  disturb  Spain ;  it  was  crushed  out 
within  twenty  years.  The  spirit  of  liberty  that  had  been  grow- 
ing in  England  since  Bosworth's  Field,  and  that  was  manifest- 
ing itself  in  Germany  and  the  Netherlands,  and  that  had  begun 
to  quiver  even  in  France,  did  not  dare  stir  itself  in  Spain. 
Spain  was  united,  or  rather,  was  solidity  itself,  and  this  solidity 
was  both  its  strength  and  its  death.  England  was  not  so 
united,  and  England  went  steadily  onward  and  upward;  but 
Spain's  unity  destroyed  her,  because  it  practically  destroyed 
individualism  and  presented  the  strange  paradox  of  a  strong 
nation  of  weak  men. 

As  a  machine  Spain  in  the  sixteenth  century  was  a  marvel 
of  power ;  as  an  aggregation  of  thinking  men,  it  was  even  then 
contemptible.  Ferdinand,  Charles  V  and  Philip  II  were  able 
and  illustrious  rulers,  and  they  appeared  at  a  time  when  their 
several  characters  could  tell  on  the  immediate  fortunes  of 
Spain.  They  were  warriors,  and  the  nation  was  entirely  war- 
like. During  this  period  the  Spaniard  overran  the  earth,  not 
that  he  might  till  the  soil,  but  that  he  might  rob  the  man  who 
did.  With  one  hand  he  was  raking  in  the  gold  and  silver  of 
Mexico  and  Peru;  with  the  other  confiscating  the  profits  of 
the  trade  and  manufactures  of  the  Low  Countries — and  all  in 
the  name  of  the  Great  God  and  Saints ! 

How  was  Spain  overthrown?  The  answer  is  a  short  one. 
Spain,  under  Philip  II  staked  her  all  upon  a  religious  war 
against  the  awakening  age.  She  met  the  Reformation  within 
her  own  borders  and  extinguished  it ;  but  thought  had  broken 
loose  from  its  chains  and  was  abroad  in  the  earth.  England 
had  turned  Protestant,  and  Elizabeth  was  on  the  throne ;  Den- 
mark, Norway  and  Sweden,  indeed  all  countries  except  Spain 
8 


114  BRIEF    SKETCH    OF    SPANISH    HlSTOR\ 

and  Italy  had  heard  the  echoes  from  Luther's  trumpet  blast. 
Italy  furnished  the  religion,  and  Spain  the  powder,  in  this  un- 
equal fight  between  the  Old  and  the  New.  Spain  was  not 
merely  the  representative  of  the  old,  she  WAS  the  old,  and 
she  armed  her  whole  strength  in  its  behalf. 

Here  was  a  religion  separated  from  all  moral  principle  and 
devoid  of  all  softening  sentiment — its  most  appropriate  for- 
mula being,  death  to  all  heretics.  Death — not  to  tyrants,  not 
to  oppressors,  not  to  robbers  and  men-stealers — ^but  death  to 
heretics.    It  was  this  that  equipped  her  Armada. 

The  people  were  too  loyal  and  too  pious  to  THINK,  and 
so  were  hurled  in  a  solid  mass  against  the  armed  thought  of 
the  coming  age,  and  a  mighty  nation  crumbled  as  in  a  day. 
With  the  destruction  of  her  Armada  her  warlike  ascendancy 
passed  and  she  had  nothing  to  put  in  its  place.  She  had  not 
tillers  of  the  soil,  mechanics  or  skilled  merchants.  Business 
was  taking  the  place  of  war  all  over  the  world,  but  Spain  knew 
only  religion  and  war,  hence  worsted  in  her  only  field,  she  was 
doomed. 

From  the  days  of  Philip  II  her  decline  was  rapid.  Her  ter- 
ritory slipped  from  her  as  rapidly  as  it  had  been  acquired.  Her 
great  domains  on  our  soil  are  now  the  seat  of  thriving  com- 
munities of  English-speaking  people.  The  whole  continent  of 
South  America  has  thrown  off  her  yoke,  though  still  retaining 
her  language,  and  our  troops  now  embarked  from  Port  Tampa 
are  destined  to  wrest  from  her  the  two  only  remaining  colonies 
subject  to  her  sv;ay  in  the  Western  World. — Cuba  and  Porto 
Rico.  With  all  her  losses  hitherto,  Spain  has  not  learned 
wisdom.  Antagonistic  to  truth  and  liberty,  she  seems  to  sit  in 
the  shadow  of  death,  hugging  the  delusions  that  have  betrayed 
her,  while  all  other  people  of  earth  are  pressing  onward  to- 
ward light  and  liberty. 


BRIEF    SKETCH    OF    SPANISH    HISTORY  II5 

The  struggle  in  Cuba  had  been  going  on  for  years,  and  in 
that  colony  of  less  than  two  millions  of  inhabitants,  many  of 
whom  were  Spaniards,  there  was  now  an  army  four  times  as 
large  as  the  standing  army  of  the  United  States.  Against  this 
army  and  against  the  Government  of  Spain  a  revolt  had  been 
carried  on  previous  to  the  present  outbreak  for  a  period  of  tea 
years,  and  which  had  been  settled  by  concessions  on  the  part 
of  the  home  government.  The  present  revolt  was  of  two  years' 
standing  when  our  government  decided  to  interfere.  The 
Cubans  had  maintained  disorder,  if  they  had  not  carried  on 
war;  and  they  had  declined  to  be  pacified.  In  their  army  they 
experienced  no  color  difficulties.  Gomez,  Maceo  and  Quintin 
Banderas  were  generals  honored  and  loved,  Maceo  especially 
coming  to  be  the  hero  and  idol  of  the  insurgents  of  all  classes. 
And  it  can  truthfully  be  said  that  no  man  in  either  the  Cuban 
or  Spanish  army,  in  all  the  Cuban  struggle  previous  to  our  in- 
tervention, has  earned  a  loftier  fame  as  patriot,  soldier  and 
man  of  noble  mould  than  ANTONIO  MACEO'. 

Cuba,  by  far  the  most  advanced  of  all  the  West  Indian  col- 
onies ;  Cuba,  essentially  Spanish,  was  destined  to  be  the  battle 
ground  between  our  troops  and  the  veterans  of  Spain.  The 
question  to  be  settled  was  that  of  Spain's  sovereignty.  Spain's 
right  to  rule  over  the  colonies  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  was  dis- 
puted by  the  United  States,  and  this  question,  and  this  alone, 
is  to  be  settled  by  force  of  arms.  Further  than  this,  the  issue 
does  not  go.  The  dictum  of  America  is :  Spain  shall  not  rule. 
The  questions  of  Annexation,  Expansion  and  Imperialism 
were  not  before  us  as  we  launched  our  forces  to  drive  Spain 
out  of  the  West  Indies.  The  Cuban  flag  was  closely  asso- 
ciated with  our  own  standard  popularly,  and  "Cuba  Libre" 
was  a  wide-spread  sentiment  in  June,  1898.  "We  are  ready  to 
help  the  Cubans  gain  their  liberty"  was  the  honest  expression 
of  thousands  who  felt  they  were  going  forward  in  a  war  for 
others. 


I  i6  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 


CHAPTER  V. 


PASSAGE,  LANDING,  AND  FIRST  BATTLE  IN  CUBA. 

The  Tenth  Cavalry  at  Guasimas— The  "Rescue  of  the  Rough  Riders"— 
Was  There  an  Ambush?— Notes. 

"The  passage  to  Santiago  was  generally  smooth  and  un- 
eventful," says  General  Shafter  in  his  official  report.  But 
when  the  fact  is  called  to  mind  that  the  men  had  been  on  board 
a  week  before  sailing,  and  were  a  week  more  on  the  passage, 
and  that  "the  conveniences  on  many  of  the  transports  in  the 
nature  of  sleeping  accommodations,  space  for  exercise,  closet 
accommodations,  etc.,  were  not  all  that  could  have  been  de- 
sired," and  that  the  opinion  was  general  throughout  the  army 
that  the  travel  ration  was  faulty,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the 
trip  was  a  sore  trial  to  the  enlisted  men  at  least.  The  monoton- 
ous days  passed  in  the  harbor  at  Port  Tampa,  while  waiting 
for  orders  to  sail,  were  unusually  trying  to  the  men.  They 
were  relieved  somewhat  by  bathing,  swimming,  gaming  and 
chatting  on  the  coming  events.  A  soldier  who  was  in  one  of 
the  colored  regiments  describes  the  inside  life  of  one  of  the 
transports  as  follows:  "After  some  miles  of  railroad  travel 
and  much  hustling  we  were  put  on  board  the  transport.  I 
say  on  board,  but  it  is  simply  because  we  cannot  use  the  terms 
under  board.  We  were  huddled  together  below  two  other  regi- 
ments and  under  the  water  line,  in  the  dirtiest,  closest,  most 
sickening  place  imaginable.  For  about  fifteen  days  we  were 
on  the  water  in  this  dirty  hole,  but  being  soldiers  we  were  com- 
pelled to  accept  this  without  a  murmur.    We  ate  corn  beef  and 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  II7 

canned  tomatoes  with  our  hard  bread  until  we  were  anything 
but  half  way  pleased.  In  the  fifth  or  sixth  day  out  to  sea  the 
water  furnished  us  became  muddy  or  dirty  and  well  flavored 
vrith  salt,  and  remained  so  during  the  rest  of  the  journey. 
Then,  the  ship's  cooks,  knowing  well  our  condition  made  it  con- 
venient to  themselves  to  sell  us  a  glass  of  clean  ice  water  and 
a  small  piece  of  bread  and  tainted  meat  for  the  sum  of  seventy- 
five  cents,  or  one  dollar,  as  the  case  might  be." 

A  passage  from  Port  Tampa,  around  the  eastern  end  -"tf 
Cuba,  through  the  Windward  Passage,  even  in  June,  is  ordin- 
arily pleasant.  On  the  deck  of  a  clean  steamer,  protected  from 
the  sun's  rays  by  a  friendly  awning,  it  may  be  put  down  as 
pearly  an  ideal  pleasure  trip;  but  crowded  into  freight  ships  as 
these  men  were,  many  of  them  clad  in  thick  and  uncomfortable 
clothing,  reduced  to  the  uninviting  travel  ration,  compelled  to 
spend  most  of  the  time  below  decks,  occupied  with  thoughts 
of  home  and  friends,  and  beset  with  forebodings  of  coming 
events,  it  was  very  far  from  being  to  them  a  pastime.  Of  the 
thousands  who  are  going  to  Cuba  to  magnify  the  American 
flag,  not  all  will  return.  Occasionally  the  gay  music  of  the 
bands  would  relieve  the  dull  routine  and  cause  the  spirits  to 
rise  under  the  eflfects  of  some  enlivening  waltz  or  stirring 
patriotic  air;  or  entering  a  school  of  flying  fish  the  men  would 
be  entertained  to  see  these  broad-finned  creatures  dart  from  the 
waves  like  arrows  from  the  bow,  and  after  a  graceful  flight  of 
perhaps  near  two  hundred  yards  drop  again  into  the  sea;  but 
taken  altogether  it  was  a  voyage  that  furnishes  little  for  the 
historian. 

The  transports  were  so  arranged  as  to  present  an  interesting 
and  picturesque  spectacle  as  they  departed  from  our  shores  on 
their  ocean  march.     Forming  in  three  columns,  with  a  dis- 


Il8  llRhl     liAITLE    IN    CUBA 

tance  of  about  i,ooo  yards  between  the  columns,  and  the  ves- 
sels in  the  columns  being  distanced  from  one  another  about 
400  yards,  the  fleet  was  convoyed  from  Port  Tampa  by  small 
naval  vessels  until  it  reached  a  point  between  the  Dry  Tor- 
tugas  and  Key  West.  Here  it  was  met  by  the  noble  battleship 
Indiana  and  nine  other  war  vessels,  thus  making  a  convoy  al- 
together of  fifteen  fighting  craft.  Transports  and  convoy  now- 
made  an  armada  of  more  than  forty  ships,  armed  and  manned 
by  the  audacious  modern  republic  whose  flag  waved  from  every 
masthead.  Thus  spreading  out  over  miles  of  smooth  sea,  mov- 
ing quietly  along  by  steam,  carrying  in  its  arms  the  flower  of 
the  American  army,  every  man  of  which  was  an  athlete,  this 
fleet  announced  to  the  world  the  grim  purpose  of  a  nation 
aroused. 

The  weather  from  the  time  of  leaving  Port  Tampa  continued 
fine  until  the  fleet  entered  the  passage  between  the  western 
coast  of  Hayti  and  the  eastern  end  of  Cuba,  known  as  the 
Windward  Passage,  when  the  breeze  freshened  and  a  rough 
sea  began,  continuing  more  or  less  up  to  the  time  of  landing. 
Rounding  this  eastern  coast  of  Cuba  the  fleet  headed  its  course 
westerly  and  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  was  able  to  deter- 
mine its  position  as  being  ofif  Guantanamo  Bay,  about  fifty 
miles  east  of  Santiago.  Here,  eight  days  before,  the  first  bat- 
tle on  Cuban  soil,  in  which  four  American  marines  were  killed, 
had  been  fought.  About  noon  on  the  same  day,  the  fleet  came 
to  a  halt  oft  Santiago  harbor,  or  a  little  to  the  west  of  the  en- 
trance to  it,  and  Admiral  Sampson  came  on  board.  He  and 
Greneral  Shafter  soon  after  went  ashore  to  consult  the  Cuban 
General,  Garcia,  who  was  known  to  be  in  that  vicinity  with 
about  4,000  well  armed  troops. 

The  voyage  over,  and  the  men  having  been  crowded  together 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  II9 

on  shipboard  for  nearly  two  weeks,  it  was  now  expedient  to 
get  them  on  shore  as  soon  as  possible.  But  it  was  necessary 
to  find  out  beforehand  what  defences  were  along  the  coasr, 
and  what  forces  of  the  enemy  were  likely  to  be  encountered  in 
landing.  The  fleet  lay  off  from  the  shore  about  a  mile,  and 
it  was  no  small  undertaking  to  convey  the  17,000  men  on  board 
with  all  their  arms  and  equipments  to  the  shore  in  small  boats 
over  a  rough  sea,  especially  should  the  landing  be  disputed.  It 
was  to  arrange  for  the  landing  and  also  to  map  out  a  general 
plan  of  campaign  that  the  three  great  leaders,  Shafter,  Samp- 
son and  Gai^cia  met  at  Aserradores  on  the  afternoon  of  June 
20th  as  the  American  fleet  stood  guard  over  the  harbor  of 
Santiago. 

General  Garcia  was  already  aware  of  the  coming  of  the  fleet, 
having  received  a  message  from  Major-General  Miles  two 
weeks  previous.    The  letter  of  General  Miles  ran  as  follows : 

Headquarters  of  the  Army, 
In  the  Field,  Tampa,  Fla.,  June  2,  1898. 

Dear  General : — I  am  very  glad  to  have  received  your  offi- 
cers, General  Enrique  Collazo  and  Lieut.-Col.  Carlos  Hernan- 
dez, the  latter  of  whom  returns  to-night  with  our  best  wishes  for 
your  success. 

It  would  be  a  very  great  assistance  if  you  could  have  as  large 
a  force  as  possible  in  the  vicinity  of  the  harbor  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba,  and  communicate  any  information  by  signals  which  Col- 
onel Hernandez  will  explain  to  you  either  to  our  navy  or  to  our 
army  on  its  arrival,  which  we  hope  will  be  before  many  days. 

It  would  also  assist  us  very  much  if  you  could  drive  in  and 
harass  any  Spanish  troops  near  or  in  Santiago  de  Cuba,  threat- 
ening or  attacking  them  at  all  points,  and  preventing,  by  every 
means,  any  possible  re-enforcement  coming  to  that  garrison. 
While  this  is  being  done,  and  before  the  arrival  of  our  army, 
if  you  can  seize  and  hold  any  commanding  position  to  the  east 
or  west  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  or  both,  that  would  be  advanta- 


I20  KJRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

geous  for  the  use  of  our  artillery,  it  will'  be  exceedingly  gratify- 
ing to  us." 

To  this  General  Garcia  replied  that  he  would  "take  measures 
at  once  to  carry  out  your  (Miles')  recommendation,  but  con- 
centration of  forces  will  require  some  time.  Roads  bad  and 
Cubans  scattered.  Will  march  without  delay."  Admiral 
Sampson  also  cabled  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  that  Garcia 
"regards  his  (Miles')  wishes  and  suggestions  as  orders,  and 
immediately  will  take  measures  to  concentrate  forces  at  the 
points  indicated,  but  he  is  unable  to  do  so  as  early  as  desired 
on  account  of  his  expedition  at  Banes  Port,  Cuba,  but  will 
march  without  delay.  All  of  his  subordinates  are  ordered  to 
assist  to  disembark  the  United  States  troops  and  to  place 
themsel  ^es  under  orders."  It  was  in  compliance  with  these  re- 
quests ihat  General  Garcia  had  the  five  thousand  troops  so 
near  Santiago  at  the  time  he  welcomed  Shafter  and  Sampson 
to  his  camp,  as  mentioned  above,  and  there  is  every  necessary 
evidence  that  these  Cuban  troops  took  part  in  the  fight  about 
Santiago.  Says  General  Miles  of  Garcia :  "He  had  troops  in 
the  rear  as  well  as  on  both  sides  of  the  garrison  at  Santiago  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  our  troops." 

It  was  agreed  that  the  force  of  five  hundred  men  under 
General  Castillo,  posted  near  Daiquiri,  should  be  increased  to 
i,ooo,  and  should  be  prepared  to  make  an  attack  upon  the 
rear  of  the  Spanish  garrison  at  Daiquiri  on  the  morning  of  the 
22nd,  at  which  time  the  debarkation  would  begin.  General 
Rabi  with  about  500  men  was  also  to  attack  Cabanas  at  the 
♦ame  time,  in  the  same  manner,  the  transports  and  war  vessels 
;o  manoeuvring  as  to  give  the  impression  that  a  landing  was 
.0  be  made  at  that  place.  While  these  attacks  in  the  rear  were 
distracting  the  garrisons,  the  navy,  by  order  of  Admiral  Samp- 
son, was  to  start  up  a  vigorous  bombardment  of  all  the  villages 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 


along  the  coast,  thus  clearing  the  shore  for  the  landing  of  the 
army.  Thus  did  the  conference  unite  the  hands  of  Ameri- 
cans and  Cubans  in  the  fight  against  Spain  on  Cuban  soil,  and 
each  was  pledged  to  the  other  by  the  expressions  of  good  will. 
Having  accomplished  its  work  the  important  conference  closed, 
Admiral  Sampson  and  General  Shafter  to  return  to  their  ships, 
and  General  Garcia  to  carry  out  the  part  of  the  work  assigned 
to  him,  which  he  did  with  fidelity  and  success.* 

According  to  orders  published  on  the  20th,  General  Law- 
ton's  Division,  known  as  the  Second  Division,  Fifth  Army 
Corps,  was  to  disembark  first.  This  Division  contained  the 
three  following  Brigades :  The  First,  General  Ludlow's,  com- 
posed of  the  Eighth  and  Twenty-second  Infantry  (regulars) 
and  the  Second  Massachusetts  Volunteer  Infantry;  the  Sec- 
ond Brigade,  General  Miles',  composed  of  the  Fourth  and 
Twenty-fifth  Infantry  (regulars)  ;  the  Third  Brigade,  General 
Chaffee's,  containing  the  Seventh,  Twelfth  and  Seventeenth 
Infantry  (regulars).  Next  to  follow  was  General  Bates'  Bri- 
gade, which  was  to  act  as  reserve  to  Lawton's  Division.  This 
Brigade  consisted  of  the  Third  and  Twentieth  Infantry  (regu- 
lars) and  one  squadron  of  the  Second  Cavalry,  the  only 
mounted  troops  in  Shafter's  army.  The  cavalry,  however, 
were  not  to  disembark  with  the  Brigade,  but  were  to  be  the 
last  troops  to  leave  the  transports.  After  Bates'  Brigade,  was 
to  follow  Wheeler's  Dismounted  Cavalry  Division,  containing 
the  two  following  Brigades :  The  First,  composed  of  the 
Third,  Sixth  and  Ninth  Cavalry  (regulars)  ;  the  Second,  com- 
posed of  the  First  and  Tenth  Cavalry  (regulars)  and  the  First 
Volunteer  Cavalry  (Rough  Riders).  To  follow  the  Cavalry 
Division  was  to  come  the  First  Division,  General  Kent's,  con- 
taining the  following  troops :     The    First    Brigade,    General 

*Sce  Note  A   at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


122  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 


Hawkins',  consisting  of  the  Sixth  and  Sixteenth  Infantry 
(regulars)  and  the  Seventy-first  New  York  Vohmteer  Infan- 
try; the  Second  Brigade,  General  Pearson's,  consisting  of  the 
Second,  Tenth  and  Twenty-first  Infantry  (regulars) ;  the 
Third  Brigade,  Colonel  Wikoff's,  made  up  of  the  Ninth,  Thir- 
teenth and  Twenty-fourth  Infantry  (regulars).  Then,  lastly, 
was  to  depart  the  squadron  of  mounted  cavalry. 

Thus  prepared,  both  on  board  the  ships  and  on  shore,  the 
morning  of  the  22nd  dawned  to  witness  the  beginning  of 
mighty  operations.  The  war  vessels,  drawn  up  in  proper  or- 
der, early  began  to  hurl  shot  and  shell  upon  the  towns,  forts, 
blockhouses  and  clumps  of  trees  that  could  be  discovered  along 
the  shore.  The  cannonading  lasted  between  two  and  three 
hours  and  was  furious  throughout.  Meanwhile  General  Law- 
ton's  Division  began  the  work  of  going  ashore.  The  sea  was 
rough  and  tlie  passage  to  the  shore  was  made  in  small  boats 
furnished  from  the  transports  and  from  the  naval  vessels, 
towed  by  steam  launches  belonging  to  the  navy.  The  larger 
of  the  boats  were  capable  of  carrying  ten  or  twelve  men  each, 
while  the  smaller  ones  could  carry  but  six  or  seven.  During 
the  passage  to  the  shore  several  of  the  men  who  had  escaped 
thus  far.  were  taken  with  seasickness,  greatly  to  the  amuse- 
ment of  their  more  hardy  companions.  The  landing  was  made 
at  a  pier  which  had  been  used  formerly  as  a  railroad  pier,  but 
was  now  abandoned  and  somewhat  dilapidated.  To  get  from 
the  boats  to  the  pier  in  this  rough  sea  was  the  most  perilous 
part  of  the  whole  trip  from  Tampa  to  Cuba.  As  the  boats 
would  rise  on  the  waves  almost  level  with  the  landing  place. 
it  was  necessary  to  leap  quickly  from  the  boat  to  the  shore.  In 
this  way  two  cavalrymen  of  the  Tenth  lost  their  lives,  falling 
into  the  sea  with  their  equipments  on  and  sinking  before  helj' 
could  reach  them.     Some  of  the  'boats  were  rowed  ashore  and 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  123f 

made  a  landing  on  the  beach  some  distance  from  the  pier.  By 
this  method  some  men  of  the  Twenty-fifth  tried  to  be  the  first 
to  land,  but  failed,  that  regiment  landing,  however,  in  the  first 
body  of  troops  to  go  ashore,  and  being  the  second  in  order,  in 
the  invasion  of  the  island.  By  night  of  the  22nd  more  than 
one-third  of  the  troops  were  on  shore,  and  by  the  evening  of 
the  24th  the  whole  army  was  disembarked  according  to  the 
program  announced  at  the  beginning,  the  squadron  of  cavalry 
coming  in  at  the  close  of  the  march  to  the  shore. 

The  only  national  movement  on  our  part  deserving  to  be 
brought  into  comparison  with  the  expedition  against  the 
Spanish  power  in  Cuba,  is  that  of  fifty  years  earlier,  when 
General  Scott  sailed  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  invasion  against 
Mexico.  Some  of  the  occurrences  of  that  expedition,  especially 
connected  with  its  landing,  should  be  carefully  studied,  and  if 
the  reports  which  have  reached  the  public  concerning  it  arc 
truthful,  we  would  do  well  to  consider  how  far  the  methods 
then  in  use  could  be  applied  now.  Scribner's  recent  history, 
published  just  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Spanish  War,  tells 
the  story  of  that  expedition,  so  far  as  it  tells  it  at  all,  in  the 
following  sentence:  "On  the  7th  of  March,  the  fleet  with 
Scott's  army  came  to  anchor  a  few  miles  south  of  Vera  Cruz, 
and  two  days  later  he  landed  his  whole  force — nearly  twelve 
thousand  men —  by  means  of  surf-boats."  A  writer  in  a  re- 
cent number  of  The  Army  and  Navy  Journal  says  General 
Worth's  Division  of  4,500  men  were  landed  in  one  hour,  and 
the  whole  force  was  landed  in  six  hours_,  without  accident  or 
confusion.  In  the  prosecution  of  that  unholy  war,  which  lasted 
about  a  year,  nearly  three  thousand  men  were  lost  in  battle  and 
about  as  many  more  by  disease,  peace  being  finally  made  by 
the  cession  of  territory  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  the  United 
States  paying  in  return  much  more    than    the   territory  was 


124  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

worth.  The  twenty  millions  paid  to  Texas  probably  in  great 
part  went  into  the  coffers  of  the  patriots  who  occupied  that 
region,  some  of  whom  had  not  been  known  as  desirable  citizens 
in  the  parts  from  which  they  came,  and  had  manifested  their 
patriotism  by  leaving  their  country  for  their  country's  good. 
The  fifteen  millions  handed  over  to  Mexico  looks  like  a  con- 
tribution to  a  conscience  fund,  and  an  atonement  offered  for  an 
assault  without  provocation.  The  country  gained  Arizona, 
New  Mexico,  California  and  finally  Texas,  but  it  lost  six 
thousand  good  men,  the  cost  of  the  war,  and  all  told,  in  nego- 
tiations, about  thirty  million  dollars,  besides.  However,  it  is  not 
always  profitable  to  look  up  the  harvests  of  war.  There  are 
always  two — the  harvest  of  gain,  and  the  harvest  of  loss. 
Death  and  debt  are  reapers,  as  well  as  are  honor  and  extent  of 
territory. 

The  feelings  of  the  six  thousand  American  troops  who 
landed  on  Cuban  soil  on  June  22nd,  1898,  may  well  be  imag- 
ined. Although  they  felt  the  effects  of  the  confinement  to 
which  they  had  been  subjected  while  on  shipboard,  there  was 
very  little  sickness  among  them.  Again  possessed  of  the  free 
use  of  their  limbs  they  swarmed  the  beach  and  open  space  near 
the  landing,  making  themselves  at  home,  and  confronting  the 
difficulties  and  perils  that  lay  before  them  with  a  courage  born 
of  national  pride.  Before  them  were  the  mountains  with  their 
almost  impassable  roads,  the  jungles  filled  with  poisonous 
plants  and  the  terrible  prickly  underbrush  and  pointed  grass, 
in  which  skulked  the  land  crab  and  various  reptiles  whose  bite 
or  sting  was  dangerous;  twenty  miles  of  this  inhospitable 
country  lay  between  them  and  Santiago,  their  true  objective. 
And  somewhere  on  the  road  to  that  city  they  knew  they  were 
destined  to  meet  a  well-trained  foe,  skilled  in  all  the  arts  of 
modern  warfare,  who  would  contest  their  advance.    The  pros- 


IIRST    BATTLE    IX    CUBA  12$ 

pect,  however,  did  not  unnerve  them,  although  they  could  well 
conjecture  that  all  who  landed  would  not  re-embark.  Some  in 
that  six  thousand  were  destined  never  again  to  set  foot  on 
shipboard.  Out  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  and  the  Tenth 
Cavalry  men  were  to  fall  both  before  Spanish  bullets  and 
disease  ere  these  organizations  should  assemble  to  return  to 
their  native  shores.  These  thoughts  did  not  prevent  the  men 
from  taking  advantage  of  what  nature  had  to  offer  them. 

"We  landed  in  rowboats,  amid,  and  after  the  cessation  of 
the  bombardment  of  the  little  hamlet  and  coast  by  the  men- 
of-war  and  battle-ships,"  writes  a  brave  soldier  of  the  Twenty- 
fifth  Infantry,  and  adds  immediately:  "We  then  helped  our- 
selves to  cocoanuts  which  we  found  in  abundance  near  the 
landing."  Ordinarily  this  statement,  so  trivial  and  apparently 
unimportant,  would  not  merit  repetition,  but  in  its  connection 
here  it  is  significant  as  showing  the  immediate  tendency  of  the 
men  to  resort  to  the  fruits  of  the  country,  despite  all  warnings 
to  the  contrary.  The  two  weeks'  experience  on  board  the 
transports  had  made  the  finding  of  cocoanuts  an  event  to  be 
noted,  and  the  dry  pulp  and  strongly  flavored  milk  of  this 
tropical  fruit  became  extremely  grateful  to  the  palate,  even 
if  not  altogether  safe  for  the  stomach.  If  ripe,  however,  the 
cocoanut  could  scarcely  be  more  ungenial  to  many,  than  the 
raw,  canned  tomatoes  upon  which  they  had  in  part  subsisted 
during  the  voyage.  It  is  to  be  added  that  this  report  of  the 
finding  of  the  cocoanuts  is  not  the  report  of  an  old  soldier,  but 
of  a  young  and  intelligent,  first  enlistment  man. 

Lawton's  Division  soon  after  landing,  was  ordered  to  move 
forward  in  the  direction  of  Santiago,  on  the  road  leading  past 
Siboney.  A  staff  officer,  writing  of  that  movement,  says: 
"General  Lawton,  with  his  Division,  in  obedience  to  this  order, 
pushed  forward  from  Daiquiri  about  five  miles,  when  night 


iZb  KIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

overtook  him  and  he  bivouacked  on  the  road."  An  old  sol- 
dier of  the  Twenty-fifth,  writing  me  from  the  hospital  in 
Tampa,  Florida,  July  22nd,  says  of  the  same  event:  "After 
the  regiment  landed  we  marched  about  four  and  a  half  miles 
through  the  mountains;  then  we  made  camp."  The  old  soldier 
says  nothing  of  cocoanuts,  but  makes  his  statement  with  as 
much  accuracy  as  possible,  and  with  no  waste  of  words.  The 
novice  describing  the  same  thing  says :  "A  short  distance 
ahead  (from  the  shore)  we  bivouacked  for  the  night.  We 
were  soon  lying  in  dreamland,  so  far  from  friends  and  home, 
indeed,  on  a  distant,  distant  shore."  These  two  extracts  show 
at  once  the  difference  between  the  soldier  produced  by  years 
of  trial  and  training  on  our  plains,  and  the  soldier  who  but 
yesterday  was  a  civilian.  With  the  one  the  march  is  a  short 
distance ;  with  the  other  it  is  about  four  and  a  half  miles ;  one 
reports  that  they  "made  camp,"  the  other  talks  of  dreamland, 
friends,  home  and  distant  shore;  one  expresses  his  feelings, 
the  other  shows  control  of  feeling  and  reserve  in  expression. 

That  first  night  on  Cuban  soil,  the  night  following  June 
22nd,  was  one  without  events,  but  one  of  great  concern  to  the 
commanders  on  shore  and  on  the  fleet.  The  work  of  disem- 
barking had  gone  on  successfully,  and  already  about  six  thous- 
and men  were  on  shore.  Nearly  the  whole  of  Lawton's  Divis- 
ion, with  Bates'  independent  brigade,  were  bivouacked,  as  we 
have  seen,  about  five  miles  from  Daiquiri,  exactly  where  the 
railroad  crosses  the  wagon  road  leading  to  Siboney.  General 
Wheeler's  troops — one  brigade — were  encamped  on  the  open 
ground  near  the  landing,  the  remainder  of  his  division  being 
sfill  on  the  transports.  The  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  was  with 
Lawton ;  the  Tenth  Cavalry  was  ashore  with  Wheeler's  troops. 
A  detachment  of  the  Twenty-fifth  was  put  on  outpost  duty  on 
that  night  of  their  landing,  and  five  miles  within  Cuban  ter- 


FIRST    HATTl.E    IN    CUiiA  IfJ 

ntory  they  tramped  their  solitary  beats,  establishing  and  guard- 
ing the  majestic  authority  of  the  United  States. 

Lawton's  orders  were  to  seize  and  hold  the  town  of  Siboney.- 
at  which  place  Kent's  Division,  containing  the  Twenty-fourth, 
was  to  land.  It  was  then  intended  that  the  whole  army  should 
advance  as  rapidly  as  would  be  consistent  with  supplying  the 
men  with  rations  toward  Santiago.  Siboney  was  to  be  the 
base  of  supplies,  and  from  this  point  ammunition  and  food 
were  to  be  conveyed  to  the  front  by  wagons  and  pack  trains. 
General  Shafter  also  intended  that  Lawton  with  his  division 
should  lead  the  advance  upon  Santiago,  but  circumstances  be- 
yond his  control  brought  about  a  different  result.  On  the 
morning  of  the  23rd  Lawton's  division  was  in  motion  early, 
and  before  half-past  ten  o'clock  he  was  able  to  report  that  the 
Spaniards  had  evacuated  Siboney  and  wer^  in  full  retreat, 
pursued  by  a  body  of  Cubans  under  direction  of  General  Cas- 
tillo; that  the  town  was  in  his  hands,  and  he  had  also  cap- 
tured one  locomotive  and  nearly  one  hundred  cars  loaded  with 
coal. 

General  Young's  brigade  of  General  Wheeler's  cavalry 
division,  got  on  shore  on  the  afternoon  of  the  23rd  and  after 
landing  received  verbal  orders  to  move  out  with  three  days' 
rations  "to  a  good  camping  place  between  Juraguacito  and  Sib- 
oney, on  the  road  leading  to  Santiago  de  Cuba."  In  obedience 
to  these  orders,  at  4.30  in  the  afternoon  Young  with  the  Rough 
Riders  and  a  squadron  from  each  of  the  First  and  Tenth  Regu- 
lar Cavalry  moved  from  the  bivouack  near  the  landing  and 
arrived  at  Siboney  at  about  7  o'clock.  When  General  Young 
arrived  at  Siboney  he  had  with  him  the  Rough  Riders,  the 
other  troops  having  been  delayed  by  the  crowded  condition  of 
the  trail  and  the  difficulty  of  following  after  nightfall.  A1-- 
though  these  troops  are  always  spoken    of    as    cavalry,  the 


128  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

reader  must  not  forget  that  they  were  dismounted  and  in  march- 
ing and  fighting  were  the  same  as  infantry. 

General  Young  on  arriving  at  Siboney  reported  to  General 
Wheeler,  who  had  preceded  him  to  the  same  place.  The  state- 
ments of  the  several  commanders  here  appear  somewhat  con- 
flicting, although  not  inexplicable.  General  Lawton  says: 
"Yesterday  afternoon,  late,  General  Wheeler  and  staff  arrived 
and  established  his  headquarters  within  the  limits  of  my  com- 
mand. Saw  him  after  dark.  Late  last  night  Colonel  Wood's 
regiment  of  dismounted  cavalry  (Rough  Riders)  passed 
through  my  camp  at  Division  Headquarters,  and  later  General 
Young,  with  some  of  the  dismounted  Cavalry,  and  early  this 
morning  others  of  the  dismounted  cavalry."  Wheeler  says 
that  "in  obedience  to  instructions  from  the  Major-General 
Commanding,"  given  to  him  in  person,  he  proceeded,  on  June 
23rd,  to  Siboney,  but  does  not  say  at  what  hour.  He  says  he 
"rode  out  to  the  front  and  found  that  the  enemy  had  halted 
a?.d  established  themselves  at  a  point  about  three  miles  from 
Siboney."  He  then  informs  us  that  "at  8  o'clock  on  that  even- 
ing of  the  23rd  General  Young  reached  Siboney  with  eight 
troops  of  Colonel  Wood's  regiment  (A,  B,  D,  E,  F,  G,  K  and 
L),  500  strong;  Troops  A,  B,  G  and  K,  of  the  First  Cavalry, 
in  all  244,  and  Troops  A,  B,  E  and  I,  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry, 
in  all  220  men,  making  a  total  force  of  964  men,  which  in- 
cluded nearly  all  of  my  command  which  had  disembarked. 
These  troops  had  marched  from  Daiquiri,  1 1  miles.  With  the 
assistance  of  General  Castillo  a  rough  map  of  the  country  was 
prepared  and  the  position  of  the  enemy  fully  explained,  and  I 
determined  to  make  an  attack."  Lieutenant  Miley  says  that 
the  whole  brigade  of  Wheeler's  troops  arrived  in  Siboney 
about  dark  and  were  occupying  the  same  ground  as.  General 
Lawton  ("In  Cuba  With  Shafter,"  p.  76.)     General  Young 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  I29- 

says  that  after  reporting  to  General  Wheeler  he  "asked  and 
obtained  from  General  Wheeler  authority  to  make  a  recon- 
noisance  in  force"  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  "positive  in- 
formation *  *  *  as  to  the  position  and  movements  of  the 
enemy  in  front." 

The  distance  from  Daiquiri  to  Siboney  was  but  eleven  miles, 
and  as  the  troops  left  the  former  place  at  4.30  it  is  probable 
that  they  were  all  bivouacked  near  Siboney  before  9  o'clock, 
as  they  were  all  together,  according  to  General  Wheeler's  re- 
port, at  5.45  on  the  morning  of  the  24th.  General  Young 
having  discovered  that  there  were  two  roads  or  trails  leading 
from  Siboney  northward  toward  the  town  of  Sevilla  deter- 
mined to  make  his  reconnoisance  by  both  these  trails.  He 
directed  Colonel  Wood  to  move  by  the  western  trail  and  to 
keep  a  careful  lookout  and  to  attack  any  Spaniards  he  might 
encounter,  being  careful  to  join  his  right  in  the  event  of  an 
engagement,  with  the  left  of  the  column  advancing  by  the 
eastern  trail.  Colonel  Wood's  column  was  the  left  column  and 
was  composed  of  the  Rough  Riders  only.  The  column  march- 
ing by  the  eastern  trail  was  composed  of  the  First  and  Tenth 
Cavalry  (regulars)  and  was  under  the  command  of  Genera! 
Young.  It  was  the  intention  of  General  Young  by  this  column 
to  gain  the  enemy's  left,  and  thus  attack  in  front  and  left. 
As  early  as  7.20  a.  m.  Captain  Mills  discovered  the  enemy  ex- 
actly as  had  been  described  by  General  Castillo.  When  this 
was  done  word  was  sent  to  Colonel  Wood,  who  was  making 
his  way  to  the  front  over  a  more  difficult  route  than  the  one 
by  which  General  Young's  column  had  marched.  A  delay  was 
therefore  made  on  the  part  of  General  Young  in  order  that  the 
attack  should  begin  on  both  flanks  at  the  same  time.  During 
this  delay  General  Wheeler  arrived  and  was  informed  of  the 
plans  and  dispositions  for  the  attack,  and  after  examining  the 


13©  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

position  gave  his  approval  of  what  had  been  done,  whereupon 
General  Young  ordered  the  attack.  Greneral  Wheeler  in  speak- 
ing of  the  same  event  says :  "General  Young  and  myself  ex- 
amined the  position  of  the  enemy.  The  lines  were  deployed 
and  I  directed  him  to  open  fire  with  the  Hotckiss  gun.  The 
enemy  replied  and  the  firing  immediately  became  general." 
There  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  planning  of  this  fight  nor 
as  to  the  direction  of  the  American  force  in  the  fight  so  far 
as  any  general  direction  was  possible.  Colonel  Wood  directed 
one  column  and  General  Young  another,  while  the  plan  of  the 
attack  undoubtedly  originated  with  General  Youngf.  General 
Wheeler  conveys  as  much  when  he  says :  "General  Young  de- 
serves special  commendation  for  his  cool  deliberate  and  skill- 
ful management."  General  Young,  if  only  the  commander  of 
the  right  column  consisting  of  two  squadrons  of  regular 
cavalry,  had  not  as  large  a  command,  nor  as  difficult  and  im- 
portant a  one  as  had  Colonel  Wood,  and  hence  is  not  deserving 
of  special  commendation  except  upon  the  general  ground  that 
he  had  supervision  over  the  whole  battle.  This  position  is 
taken  by  General  Shafter  in  his  report,  who  though  admitting 
the  presence  of  the  Division  Commander,  credits  the  battle  to 
General  Young,  the  commander  of  the  brigade.  The  recon- 
noissance  in  force  for  which  Young  had  obtained  authority 
from  General  Wheeler  on  the  night  of  the  23rd  had  developed 
into  a  battle,  and  the  plan  had  evolved  itself  from  the  facts  dis- 
covered. This  plan  General  Wheeler  approved,  but  in  no  such 
way  as  to  take  the  credit  from  its  originator ;  and  it  is  doubt- 
less with  reference  both  to  the  plan  and  the  execution  that  he 
bestows  on  General  Young  the  mead  of  praise.  This  state- 
ment of  fact  does  not  in  the  least  detract  from  either  the  im- 
portance or  the  praiseworthiness  of  the  part  played  by  Colond 
Wood.    Both  he  and  the  officers  and  men  commanded  by  him 


FIRST    BATTLE    IV    CUBA  13c 

received  both  from  General  Young  and  from  the  division  com- 
mander the  most  generous  praise.  The  advance  of  Wood's 
column  was  made  with  great  difficulty  owing  to  the  nature  of 
the  ground,  and  according  to  General  Young's  belief,  he  was 
in  the  rear  when  at  7.20  in  the  morning  Captain  Mills  discov- 
ered the  enemy,  and  a  Cuban  guide  was  dispatched  to  warn 
Wood,  and  a  delay  made  to  allow  time  for  him  to  come  up. 
Colonel  Wood,  on  the  other  hand,  claims  to  have  discovered 
the  enemy  at  7.10  and  to  have  begtin  action  almost  immediat- 
ely, so  that  it  turned  out  as  Young  had  planned,  and  "the  at- 
tack of  both  wings  was  simultaneous."  The  Spaniards  were 
posted  on  a  range  of  high  hills  in  the  form  of  a  "V,"  the  open- 
ing being  toward  Siboney,  from  which  direction  the  attack 
came. 

From  Colonel  Wood's  report  it  appears  that  soon  after  the 
firing  began  he  found  it  necessary  to  deploy  five  troops  to  the 
right,  and  left,  leaving  three  troops  in  reserve.  The 
enemy's  lines  being  still  beyond  his,  both  on  the  right  and  on 
the  left,  he  hastily  deployed  two  more  troops,  which  made  the 
lines  now  about  equal  in  length.  The  firing  was  now  "ex- 
ceedingly heavy,"  and  much  of  it  at  short  range,  but  on  account 
of  the  thick  underbrush  it  was  not  very  effective;  "compara 
tively  few  of  our  men  were  injured."  Captain  Capron  at  this 
time  received  his  mortal  wound  and  the  firing  became  so  terrific 
that  the  last  remaining  troop  of  the  reserve  was  absorbed  by 
the  firing  line,  and  the  whole  regiment  ordered  to  advance  very 
slowly.  The  Spanish  line  yielded  and  the  advance  soon  showed 
that  in  falling  back  the  enemy  had  taken  a  new  position,  about 
three  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the  advancing  regiment.  Their 
lines  extended  from  800  to  1,000  yards,  and  the  firing  from 
their  front  was  "exceedingly  heavy"  and  effective.  A  "good 
many  men"  were  wounded,  "and  several  officers,"  says  Colonel 


132  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

Wood's  report.  Still  the  advance  was  kept  up,  and  the  Span- 
ish line  was  steadily  forced  back.  "We  now  began,"  says 
Colonel  Wood,  "to  get  a  heavy  fire  from  a  ridge  on  our  right, 
.which  enfiladed  our  line."  The  reader  can  at  once  see  that  al- 
though the  Rough  Riders  were  advancing  heroically,  they  were 
now  in  a  very  serious  situation,  with  an  exceedingly  heavy  and 
effective  fire  striking  them  in  front,  and  a  heavy,  enfilading  fire 
raking  them  from  the  right.  Their  whole  strength  was  on  the 
line,  and  these  two  fires  must  have  reduced  their  effectiveness 
with  great  rapidity  had  it  kept  up,  the  Spaniards  having  their 
range  and  firing  by  well-directed  volleys.  It  was  for  the  regi- 
ment a  moment  of  the  utmost  peril.  Had  they  been  alone  they 
must  have  perished. 

It  was  from  this  perilous  situation  of  Colonel  Wood's  com- 
mand that  one  of  the  most  popular  stories  of  the  war  origin- 
ated, a  story  that  contained  some  truth,  but  which  was  often 
told  in  such  a  way  as  to  cause  irritation,  and  in  some  instances 
it  was  so  exaggerated  or  mutilated  in  the  telling  as  to  be  sim- 
ply ridiculous.  On  the  day  after  the  battle  the  story  was 
told  in  Lawton's  camp  according  to  the  testimony  of  an  in- 
telligent soldier  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry.  His  words  are : 
"The  next  day  about  noon  we  heard  that  the  Tenth  Cavalry 
had  met  the  enemy  and  that  the  Tenth  Cavalry  had  rescued  the 
Rough  Riders.  We  congratulated  ourselves  that  although  not 
of  the  same  branch  of  service,  we  were  of  the  same  color,  and 
that  to  the  eye  of  the  enemy  we,  troopers  and  footmen,  all 
looked  alike."  According  to  artists  and  cheap  newspaper 
stories  this  rescuing  occurred  again  and  again.  A  picture  is 
extensively  advertized  as  "an  actual  and  authoritative  presen- 
tation of  this  regiment  (the  Tenth  Cavalry)  as  it  participated 
in  that  great  struggle,  and  their  heroic  rescue  of  the  Rough 
Riders  on  that  memorable  July  day."    This  especial  rescuing 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  1 33 

took  place  on  San  Juan  Hill.  The  editor  of  a  religious  paper 
declares  that  it  was  the  Twenty-Hfth  Infantry  that  rescued  the 
Rough  Riders  and  that  it  was  done  at  El  Caney!"^ 

Before  we  go  any  farther  let  us  see  just  what  the  Tenth 
tavalry  did  do  in  this  fight.  That  their  action  was  highly 
meritorious  admits  of  no  doubt,  and  the  laurels  they  won  were 
never  allowed  to  fade  during  the  whole  campaign.  General 
Wheeler  speaks  of  them  with  the  First  Cavalry.  He  says :  "I 
was  immediately  with  the  troops  of  the  First  and  Tenth  Regu- 
lar Cavalry,  dismounted,  and  personally  noticed  their  brave 
and  good  conduct."  There  were  four  troops  of  the  Tenth  en- 
gaged, composing  the  First  Squadron  of  that  regiment,  under 
command  of  Major  Norval.  Troop  A  was  commanded  by 
Captain  W.  H,  Beck,  who  was  specially  commended  by  Gen- 
eral Wheeler  for  good  conduct.  Second  Lieutenant  F.  R.  Mc- 
Coy was  Captain  Beck's  assistant.  This  troop  moved  over  to 
the  left,  receiving  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  but  making  no  re- 
sponse, the  distance  being  too  great  for  effective  carbine  firing. 


*THE  TWENTY-FIFTH   AT  EL-CANEY. 

American  valor  never  shone  with  greater  luster  than  when  the  Twenty- 
fifth  Infantry  swept  up  the  sizzling  hill  of  El-Caney  to  the  rescue  of  the 
rough  riders.  Two  other  regiments  came  into  view  of  the  rough  riders. 
But  the  bullets  were  flying  like  driving  hail;  the  enemy  were  in  trees  and 
ambushes  with  smokeless  powder,  and  the  rough  riders  were  biting  the 
dust  and  were  threatened  with  annihilation. 

A  rough  rider  described  the  feelings  of  his  brigade  when  they  saw  the 
other  regiments  appear  and  retreat.  Finally  this  rough  rider,  a  Southerner, 
heard  a  well-known  yell.  And  out  of  the  distance  moved  a  regiment  as  if 
on  dress  parade,  faces  set  like  steel,  keeping  step  like  a  machine,  their  com- 
rades falling  here,  there,  everywhere,  moving  into  the  storm  of  invisible 
death  without  one  faltering  step,  passing  the  rough  riders,  conquering  up 
the  hill,  and  never  stopping  until  with  the  rough  riders  El-Caney  was  won. 
This  was  the  Twenty-fifth  Regiment  (colored).  United  States  Infantry, 
BOW  quartered  at  Fort  Logan,  Denver.  We  have  asked  the  chaplain,  T. 
G.  Steward,  to  recite  the  events  at  El-Caney.  His  modesty  confines  him 
to  the  barest  recital  of  "semi-official"  records.  But  the  charge  of  the 
Twenty-fifth  is  deserving  of  comparison  with  that  of  "the  Light  Brigade" 
m  the  Crimean  War,  or  of  Custer  at  the  massacre  of  the  Big  Horn. 
(Editorial  in  religious  paper.) 


134  KIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

This  troop  reached  Colonel  Wood's  right  and  made  the  line 
continuous  so  that  there  was  now  a  force  in  front  of  that 
ridge  where  the  Spaniards  were  securely  entrenched  and  from 
which  they  were  pouring  their  enfilading  fire  UDon  Colonel 
Wood's  line.  Troop  A,  although  coming  into  the  line,  did  not 
fire.  Their  presence,  however,  gave  the  Rough  Riders  the 
assurance  that  their  flank  was  saved.  Troop  E  was  command- 
ed by  Captain  C.  G.  Ayres  with  Second  Lieutenant  George  Vid- 
mar.  This  troop  was  placed  by  General  Young  in  support  of 
Captain  Watson's  two  Hotchkiss  guns,  and  also  of  the  troops 
in  their  front.  The  troop  was  under  fire  one  hour  and  a  quar- 
ter, during  which  they  were  in  plain  view  of  the  Spaniards, 
who  also  had  their  exact  range.  One  man  was  killed  and  one 
wounded.  Their  courage,  coolness  and  discipline  in  this  trying 
hour  and  a  quarter  were  of  the  very  highest  order.  The  troop 
commander  says:  "Their  coolness  and  fine  discipline  were 
superb."  This  troop  did  not  fire  a  shot.  Thus  one-half  of  the 
squadron  moved  to  its  positions  and  held  them  without  being 
able  to  do  any  damage  to  the  enemy,  as  they  were  carrying  out  to 
the  letter  their  instructions,  which  were  to  fire  only  when  they 
could  see  the  enemy.  Troop  B  was  commanded  by  Captain 
J.  W.  Watson  with  H.  O.  Willard  as  Second  Lieutenant.  A 
detachment  of  this  troop  was  placed  in  charge  of  four  Hotch- 
kiss mountain  guns.  This  detachment  opened  fire  upon  the 
enemy,  using  the  ammunition  sparingly,  as  they  had  but  fifty 
rounds  with  them.  Twenty-two  shots  were  fired,  apparently 
with  effect.  The  remainder  of  the  troop  under  Lieutenant  Wil- 
liard  was  ordered  to  move  out  to  the  extreme  right,  which 
would  place  it  beyond  the  line  of  the  First  Cavalry,  thus  bring- 
ing that  regiment  between  Troop  A  of  the  Tenth,  which  con- 
nected it  with  the  Rough  Riders  and  Troop  B,  which  was  to 
be  on  its  extreme  right.  Lieutenant  Williard's  report  of  this 
movement  is  as  follows  : 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  135 

"I  ordered  the  troop  forward  at  once,  telling  them  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  all  cover  available.  In  the  meantime  the  volleys 
from  the  Spanish  were  coming  in  quite  frequently  and  striking 
the  ground  on  all  sides  near  where  we  were.  I  found  it  very 
difficult  to  move  the  men  forward  after  having  found  cover,  and 
ran  back  to  a  portion  of  the  troop  near  an  old  brick  wall,  and 
ordered  them  forward  at  once.  They  then  made  a  dash  forward, 
and  in  doing  so  three  or  four  men  were  wounded,  Private  Rus- 
sell severely.  Who  the  others  were  I  do  not  know.  We  encoun- 
tered a  severe  fire  directly  after  this  move  forward ;  and  Private 
Wheeler  was  wounded  in  the  left  leg.  There  was  a  wire  fence  on 
our  right,  and  such  thick  underbrush  that  we  were  unable  to  get 
through  right  there,  so  had  to  follow  along  the  fence  for  some 
distance  before  being  able  to  penetrate.  Finally,  was  able  to 
get  the  greater  proportion  of  my  men  through,  and  about  this 
time  I  met  Lieutenants  Fleming  and  Miller,  Tenth  Cavalry, 
moving  through  the  thicket  at  my  left.  I  there  heard  the  order 
passed  on  'not  to  fire  ahead,'  as  there  was  danger  of  firing  into 
our  own  forces.  In  the  meantime  there  was  shouting  from  the 
First  Cavalry  in  our  front,  'Don't  fire  on  us  in  rear.'  My  troop 
had  not  fired  a  shot  to  my  knowledge,  nor  the  knowledge  of  any 
non-commissioned  officers  in  the  troop.  About  this  time  I 
found  I  was  unable  to  keep  the  troop  deployed,  as  they  would 
huddle  up  behind  one  rock  or  tree,  so  I  gave  all  sergeants  orders 
to  move  out  on  the  extreme  right  and  to  keep  in  touch  vdth 
those  on  their  left.  Then,  with  a  squad  of  about  five  men,  I 
moved  to  the  right  front,  and  was  unfortunate  enough  to  lose 
the  troop,  i.  e.,  I  could  see  nothing  of  them  except  the  men 
with  me. 

"But  as  I  had  given  explicit  instructions  to  my  sergeant,  in 
case  I  was  lost  from  them,  to  continue  to  advance  until  halted 
by  some  one  in  authority,  I  moved  ahead  myself,  hoping  to  find 
them  later  on.  In  making  a  rush  forward  three  men  of  my 
squad  were  lost  from  me  in  some  way.  I  still  had  two  men 
with  me,  Privates  Combs  and  Jackson,  and  in  the  next  advance 
made  I  picked  up  a  First  Cavalry  sergeant  who  had  fallen  out 
from  exhaustion.  After  a  terrific  climb  up  the  ridge  in  front 
of  me,  and  a  very  regular  though  ineffective  fire  from  the  enemy 
kept  up  until  we  were  about  sixty  yards  from  the  summit  of 
hill,  we  reached  the  advance  line  of  the  First  United  States  Cav- 
alry, under  command  of  Captain  Wainwright.     I  then  reported 


136  KIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

to  him  for  orders,  and  moved  forward  when  he  next  advanced. 
The  firing  had  coased,  and  no  more  shots  wer  fired,  to  my 
knowledge,  after  this  time.  With  the  First  Cavalry,  Troop  G, 
we  followed  along  the  right  of  the  ridge  and  came  down  to  the 
right  front,  encountering  no  opposition  or  fire  from  the  enemy, 
but  finding  the  enemy's  breastworks  in  confusion,  ammunition 
and  articles  of  clothing  scattered  around;  also  one  dead  Span- 
iard and  tvt'o  Mauser  rifles.  At  the  foot  of  the  ridge  we  met  some 
of  the  First  Volunteer  Cavalry,  and  being  utterly  exhausted, 
I  was  obliged  to  lie  down.  Soon  after.  Captain  Mills,  adjutant- 
general  of  Second  Brigade,  Cavalry  Division,  came  up  to  where 
I  was  and  placed  me  in  command  of  Troop  K,  First  United 
States  Cavalry,  whose  officers  were  wounded.  I  then  marched 
them  forward  on  the  road  to  where  General  Wheeler  was  sit- 
ting, and  received  orders  from  Colonel  Wood.  First  Volunteer 
Cavalry,  to  remain  until  further  orders  and  make  no  further  ad- 
vance. Directly  afterwards,  learning  the  action  was  over,  I 
reported  back  to  General  Young,  and  received  orders  to  remain 
camped  with  the  First  Cavalry  Squadron,  where  the  action  had 
tclosed.  In  the  meantime,  I  should  have  stated  that  I  found  the 
iprincipal  part  of  my  troop  and  collected  them  and  left  them 
under  the  first  sergeant,  when  I  went  back  to  receive  orders.  So 
far  as  I  know,  and  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  the  men  of  my 
troop  acted  with  the  greatest  bravery,  advancing  on  an  enemy 
who  could  not  be  seen,  and  subjected  to  a  severe  and  heavy 
fire  at  each  step,  which  was  only  rendered  ineffective  to  a  great 
degree  by  the  poor  marksmanship  of  the  enemy,  as  many  times 
we  were  in  sight  of  them  (I  discovered  this  by  observation  after 
the  engagement)  while  we  could  see  nothing.  We  were  also 
subjected  to  a  severe  reverse  fire  from  the  hills  in  our  right  rear, 
several  men  being  wounded  by  this  fire.  Throughout  the  fight 
the  men  acted  with  exceptional  coolness,  in  my  judgment.  The 
casualties  were :  Privates  Russell,  Braxton  and  Morris,  severely 
wounded ;  Privates  F.  A.  Miller,  Grice,  Wheeler  and  Gaines, 
slightly  wounded,  i.  e.,  less  severely.  None  killed. 
Verv  respectfully, 

HENRY  O.  WILLIARD. 

June  24,  1898. 

Troop  B,  Tenth  Cavalry,  during  action  near  La  Guasima. 
.^econd  Lieutenant.Tenth  United  States  Cavalry,  Commanding. 


KIkST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  137 

Troop  I  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  was  commanded  by  First 
Lieutenant  R.  J.  Fleming  with  Second  Lieutenant  A.  M. 
Miller.  This  troop  moved  to  the  right  and  wedged  in  between 
B  Troop  and  the  right  of  the  First  Cavalry.  Lieutenant  Flem- 
ing discovered  the  enemy  posted  on  the  high  ridge  immediately 
in  front  of  his  troop,  and.  also  extending  to  his  right,  in  front 
of  B  Troop.  Moving  his  troop  a  little  to  the  right  so  as  to 
secure  room  to  advance  without  coming  in  contact  with  the 
First  Cavalry,  he  then  directed  his  course  straight  toward  the 
hill  on  which  he  had  located  the  enemy.  The  advance  was 
made  with  great  caution,  the  men  seeking  cover  wherever  pos- 
sible, and  dashing  across  the  open  spaces  at  full  run.  Thus 
they  moved  until  the  base  of  the  steep  part  of  the  hill  was 
reached.  This  was  found  very  difficult  of  ascent,  not  only  be- 
cause of  the  rugged  steepness,  but  also  on  account  of  the  un- 
derbrush, and  the  sharp-leaved  grass,  the  cacti  and  Spanish 
Ixayonet,  that  grow  on  all  these  hillsides.  Paths  had  to  be  cut 
through  these  prickly  obstructions  with  knives  and  sabres. 
Consequently  the  advance  up  that  hill,  though  free  from  peril, 
was  very  slow  and  trying.  Twice  during  the  advance  the  men 
obtained  a  view  of  their  enemies  and  were  permitted  to  fire. 
The  instructions  were  rigidly  adhtred  to :  No  firing  only  at 
the  visible  foe.  Lieutenant  Fleming  says  :  "Owing  to  the  un- 
derbrush it  was  impossible  for  me  to  see  but  a  very  few  men 
fit  a  time,  but  as  they  all  arrived  on  the  crest  about  the  time 
I  did,  or  shortly  after,  they  certainly  advanced  steadily."  He 
says :  "'The  entire  troop  behaved  with  great  coolness  and 
obeyed  every  order."  Farrier  Sherman  Harris,  Wagoner  John 
Boland  and  Private  Elsie  Jones  especially  distinguished  them- 
selves for  coolness  and  gallantry.  The  aggressive  work  of  the 
Tenth  Cavalry,  therefore,  appears  to  have  been  done  by  Troops 
B  and  I,  a  detachment  of  the  former  troop  serving  the  Hotch- 


138  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

kiss  gun  battery.  Troop  I  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant 
Fleming  and  by  him  conducted  to  the  front,  although  he  ad- 
mits that  in  their  advance  up  the  slope  of  the  hill  he  could  sec 
but  very  few  of  the  men  at  a  time,  and  declares  that  their  ad- 
vance was  certainly  steady,  because  all  arrived  at  the  crest  of 
the  hill  simultaneously  or  nearly  so. 

Lieutenant  Fleming  does  not  show  that  his  troop  of  excellent 
men  were  in  any  sense  peculiarly  dependent  upon  their  white 
officers  as  some  have  asserted.  They  advanced  steadily,  just 
as  the  regulars  always  do,  advanced  noiselessly  and  without 
any  reckless  firing,  and  reached  the  crest  of  the  hill  in  order, 
although  he  could  not  see  them  as  they  were  making  their  ad- 
vance. They  kept  their  line  despite  all  the  obstructions.  Lieu- 
tenant Fleming  also  says  that  in  moving  to  his  position  he 
passed  Troop  B,  which  then  "inclined  to  the  right,  and  during 
the  remainder  of  the  action  was  on  my  right."  Troop  B,  there- 
fore, went  through  about  the  same  experience  as  Troop  I,  and 
being  on  the  extreme  right  of  the  line  may  have  been  more  di- 
rectly in  front  of  that  foe  which  Fleming  says  was  in  his  front 
and  to  the  right.  Why  did  not  the  officer  who  directed  or  led 
B  Troop  in  its  advance  upon  the  enemy  report  the  action  of  his 
troop  as  vividly  and  generously  as  did  Lieutenant  Fleming 
the  men  of  Troop  I  ?  With  not  the  slightest  reflection  upon  the 
gallant  officer,  he  himself  has  the  manliness  to  say  he  was  so 
unfortunate  as  to  lose  the  troop.  The  troop,  however,  did  not 
become  demoralized,  but  went  into  action  under  command  of 
its  First  Sergeant,  John  Buck*  and  remained  on  Lieutenant; 
Flefning's  right  during  the  action.  It  has  been  proven  more 
than  once  that  should  the  commissioned  officeis  of  a  company 
or  troop  of  colored  regulars  be  killed  or  incapacitated,  the  non- 


*See  Note  C  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUUA  7  39 

commissioned  officers  can  carry  on  the  fight.  Speaking  of  this 
same  regiment  it  is  equally  true  that  at  San  Juan  the  officers 
of  Troops  D  and  G  were  all  shot  and  the  commands  of  these 
troops  fell  to  their  First  Sergeants,  the  first  to  Sergeant  Wil- 
liam H.  Given,  the  second  to  Sergeant  Saint  Foster,  and  it  is 
generally  understood  that  these  two  men  were  appointed  Lieu- 
tenants of  Volunteers  because  of  their  success  in  handling 
their  troops  in  battle. 

The  entire  attacking  force  at  this  end  of  the  line,  if  we  count 
only  those  engaged  in  actual  firing,  consisted  of  two  troops  of 
the  Tenth  Cavalry  and  two  of  the  First  Cavalry — four  troops 
— while  to  the  left  the  entire  eight  troops  were  on  the  firing 
line.  The  action  of  the  troops  of  the  First  Cavalry  was  quite 
similar  to  that  of  the  troops  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry,  and  equally 
deserving  of  commendation.    Of  them  all  General  Young  says : 

"The  ground  over  which  the  right  column  advanced  was  a 
mass  of  jungle  growth,  with  wire  fences,  not  to  be  seen  until 
encountered,  and  precipitous  heights  as  the  ridge  was  ap- 
proached. It  was  impossible  for  the  troops  to  keep  in  touch 
along  the  front,  and  they  could  only  judge  of  the  enemy  from 
the  sound  and  direction  of  his  fire.  However,  had  it  not  been 
for  this  dense  jungle,  the  attack  would  not  have  been  made 
against  an  overwhelming  force  in  such  a  position.  Headway 
was  so  difficult  that  advance  and  support  became  merged  and 
moved  forward  under  a  continuous  volley  firing,  supplemented 
by  that  of  two  rapid-fire  guns.  Return  firing  by  my  force  was 
only  made  as  here  and  there  a  small  clear  spot  gave  a  sight  of 
the  enemy.  The  fire  discipline  of  these  particular  troops  was 
almost  perfect.  The  ammunition  expended  by  the  two  squad- 
rons engaged  in  an  incessant  advance  for  one  hour  and  fifteen 
minutes  averaged  less  than  ten  rounds  per  man.  The  fine  qual- 
ity of  these  troops  is  also  shown  by  the  fact  that  there  was  not  a 
single  straggler,  and  in  not  one  instance  was  an  attempt  made 
by  any  soldier  to  fall  out  in  the  advance  to  assist  the  wounded 
or  carry  back  the  dead.  The  fighting  on  the  left  flank  was 
equally  creditable  and  was  remarkable,  and  I  believe  unprece- 
dented, in  volunter  troops  so  quickly  raised,  armed  and 
equipped." 


J  40  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

The  five  hundred  men  of  Colonel  Wood's  regiment  were 
stretched  over  a  space  of  800  to  i,cx)0  yards,  and  were  entirely 
without  support  or  reserve,  and  appear  to  have  advanced  to  a 
point  where  this  very  strong  force  on  the  right  swept  a  good 
part  of  their  line  both  with  rifle  fire  and  the  fire  of  their  two 
machine  guns.  Men  and  officers  were  falling  under  both  the 
front  and  flank  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  had  not  the  squadrons 
of  the  First  and  Tenth  made  their  successful  assault  upon  that 
ridge,  which,  according  to  General  Wood's  report,  was  "very 
strongly  held,"  the  situation  of  the  Rough  Riders  would  have 
been  extreme.  Because  this  successful  assault  was  participated 
in  by  the  Tenth  Cavalry  the  story  arose  that  the  Rough  Riders 
were  rescued  by  that  regiment.  The  fair  statement  would  be : 
That  the  Regular  Cavalry,  consisting  of  a  squadron  of  the 
First  and  a  squadron  of  the  Tenth,  made  their  advance  on  the 
right  at  the  precise  moment  to  deliver  the  Rough  Riders  from 
a  fire  that  threatened  their  annihilation.  The  marksmanship 
and  coolness  of  the  men  of  the  Tenth  have  been  specially  com- 
mented upon  and  their  fire  was  described  as  very  effective,  but 
the  same  remarks  could  be  made  of  the  men  of  the  First,  who 
fought  side  by  side  with  them.  It  is  probable  that  the  volun- 
teers advanced  more  rapidly  than  did  the  regulars,  using  more 
ammunition,  and  manifesting  a  very  high  degree  of  courage 
and  enthusiasm  as  well  as  deliberation;  but  the  regulars 
reached  their  objective  at  the  proper  time  to  turn  the  battle's 
tide.  Each  advancing  column  was  worthy  to  be  companion  to 
the  other. 

General  Wheeler  said  the  fire  was  very  hot  for  about  an 
hour,  and  "at  8.30  sent  a  courier  to  General  Lawton  informing 
him  that  he  was  engaged  with  a  larger  force  of  the  enemy  than 
was  anticipated,  and  asked  that  his  force  be  sent  forward  on 
the  Sevilla  road  as  quickly  as  possible."     ("In    Cuba    With 


FIRST    BATTLF    IN    CUBA  I4I 

Shafter,"  p.  83.)  General  Lawton,  however,  with  the  true  in- 
stinct of  a  soldier  had  already  sent  orders  to  General  Chaffee 
to  move  forward  with  the  First  Brigade.  The  Second  Brigade 
was  also  in  readiness  to  move  and  the  men  of  the  Twenty-fifth 
were  expecting  to  go  forward  to  take  a  position  on  the  right 
and  if  possible  a  little  to  the  rear  of  the  Spanish  entrenchments 
in  order  to  cut  off  their  retreat.  The  rapid  movements  of  the 
cavalry  division,  however,  rendered  this  unnecessary,  and  the 
routing  of  the  foe  gave  to  the  Americans  an  open  country  and 
cleared  the  field  for  the  advance  on  Santiago.  The  first  battle 
had  been  fought,  and  the  Americans  had  been  victorious,  but 
not  without  cost.  Sixteen  men  had  been  killed  and  fifty-two 
wounded.  In  Colonel  Wood's  regiment  eight  had  been  killed 
and  thirty-four  wounded;  in  the  First  Cavalry,  seven  killed 
and  eight  wounded;  in  the  Tenth  Cavalry,  one  killed  and  ten 
wounded.  The  percentage  of  losses  to  the  whole  strength  of 
the  several  organizations  engaged  was  as  follows :  Rough 
Riders,  over  8  per  cent. ;  First  Cavalry,  over  6  per  cent. ;  Tenth 
Cavalry,  5  per  cent.  But  if  we  take  those  on  the  firing  line  as 
the  base  the  rate  per  cent,  of  losses  among  the  resrulars  would 
be  doubled,  while  that  of  the  volunteers  would  remain  the 
same. 

The  strength  of  the  enemy  in  this  battle  is  griven  in  the  Span- 
ish official  reports,  according  to  Lieutenant  Miley,  at  about 
five  hundred,  and  their  losses  are  put  at  nine  killed  and  twenty- 
seven  wounded.  At  the  time  of  the  fight  it  was  supposed  to  be 
much  larger.  General  Young's  report  places  the  estimates  at 
2,000,  and  adds  "that  it  has  since  been  learned  from  Spanish 
sources  to  have  been  2,500.  The  Cuban  military  authorities 
claim  the  Spani-h  strength  was  4,000."  These  figures  are 
doubtless  too  high.  The  force  overtaken  at  Las  Guasimas  was 
the  same  force  that  evacuated  Siboney  at  the  approach  of  Law- 


142  KIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

ton  and  the  force  with  which  the  Cubans  had  fought  on  the 
morning  of  the  23rd.  It  may  have  consisted  solely  of  the  gar- 
rison from  Siboney,  although  it  is  more  probable  that  it  in- 
cluded also  those  from  Daiquiri  and  Jutici,  as  it  is  quite  certain 
that  all  these  troops  proceeded  toward  Santiago  over  the  same 
road.  The  force  at  Siboney  had  been  given  by  the  Cubans  at 
600,  at  Daiquiri  at  300,  and  at  Jutici  at  150.  If  these  had  con- 
centrated and  the  figures  were  correct,  the  Spanish  force  at 
Guasimas  was  upwards  of  1,000.  If,  however,  it  was  the  force 
from  Siboney  alone,  it  was  about  as  the  Spanish  official  report 
gives  it.  On  this  latter  basis,  however,  the  losses  are  out  of 
proportion,  for  while  the  attacking  party  lost  a  little  less  than 
7  per  cent,  of  its  entire  strength  in  killed  and  wounded,  the 
losses  of  the  entrenched,  defending  party,  were  even  a  little 
greater,  or  over  7  per  cent,  of  its  strength.  It  is,  therefore, 
probable  that  the  Spanish  force  was  greater  than  officially  re- 
ported and  included  the  troops  from  the  other  posts  as  well  as 
those  from  Siboney.  The  engagement  was  classed  by  General 
Shafter  as  unimportant,  although  its  effect  upon  our  army  was 
inspiring.  It  did  not  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Spanish  force, 
and  the  men  who  faced  our  army  at  Guasimas  met  them  again 
in  the  trenches  before  Santiago.  General  Shafter  desired  to 
advance  with  his  whole  force,  and  cautioned  strongly  against 
any  further  forward  movement  until  the  troops  were  well  in 
hand.  The  two  battles  between  the  Cubans  and  Spaniards, 
fought  on  the  23rd,  in  which  the  Cubans  had  sixteen  men 
wounded  and  two  killed,  were  engagements  of  some  conse- 
quence, although  we  have  no  reports  of  them.  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  the  Cubans  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Guasimas,  al- 
though they  arrived  on  the  grounds  immediately  after  the  firing 
ceased. 

The  storv  thus  far  told  is,  as  the  reader  cannot  fail  to  see, 


FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA  1 43 

directly  from  official  records,  and  the  conclusions  arrived  at 
are  those  which  result  naturally  from  the  facts  as  therein  de- 
tailed. Not  one  word  is  quoted  from  any  but  military  men — 
actors  in  the  affair.  We  may  now  go  briefly  over  the  same 
ground,  giving  the  views  and  conclusions  of  able  civilian  cor- 
respondents who  followed  the  army  to  see  what  was  done,  and 
who  were  trained  observers  and  skilled  writers.  How  have 
these  able  war  journalists  told  the  story  of  Las  Guasimas? 

To  quote  from  Stephen  Bonsai  in  substance,  not  in  words, 
is  to  contradict  what  General  Shafter  says  officially  in  one  par- 
ticular, but  in  no  such  way  as  to  discredit  the  General,  or  to 
weaken  Bonsai.  It  is  not  a  case  of  bringing  two  universal,  an- 
tagonistic propositions  face  to  face,  but  a  case  where  two  men 
of  different  training  look  upon  an  action  from  different  stand- 
points and  through  dift'erent  field-glasses.  General  Shafter 
says  of  the  collision  of  the  Rough  Riders  with  the  Spanish 
force :  "There  was  no  ambush  as  reported."  As  a  military 
man,  he  says  there  was  no  more  concealment  on  the  part  of  the 
Spanish  force  than  what  an  attacking  party  should  expect,  no 
more  than  what  is  usual  in  modern  warfare,  hence  he  does  not 
regard  it  as  an  ambush,  and  does  not  officially  take  notice  of 
any  surprise  or  unexpected  encounter  on  the  part  of  his  force. 
To  do  so  would  be  to  reflect,  however  slightly,  upon  the  pro- 
fessional skill  of  the  commander  of  the  left  column.  Gen- 
eral Shafter  thus  says  officially  in  a  manly  way :  "There  was 
no  ambush."  Beyond  this  his  duty  does  not  call  him  to  go, 
and  he  halts  his  expressions  exactly  at  this  line,  maintaining 
in  his  attitude  all  the  attributes  of  the  true  soldier,  placing 
himself  beyond  criticism  by  thus  securing  from  attack  the  char- 
acter of  his  subordinate. 

Mr.  Bonsai  is  a  writer  and  author,  accustomed  to  view  ac- 
tions in  the  broader  light  of  popular  judgment,  entirely  free 


144  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CL'HA 

from  professional  bias,  and  having  no  class-feeling  or  obliga- 
tions to  serve.  His  pen  is  not  official;  his  statements  are 
not  from  the  military  standpoint;  not  influenced  in  any  way  by 
considerations  of  personal  weal  or  woe  with  respect  to  others 
or  himself.  He  says  that  one  troop  of  the  Rough  Riders, 
Troop  L,  commanded  by  Captain  Capron,  was  leading  the  ad- 
vance of  the  regiment,  and  was  in  solid  formation  and  within 
twenty-five  yards  of  its  scouting  line  when  it  received  the  en- 
emy's fire.  This  troop  was  so  far  in  the  advance  that  it  took 
the  other  troops  of  the  regiment  more  than  a  half  hour  to  get 
up  to  it.  The  writer  speaks  of  the  advance  of  that  troop  as  hav- 
ing been  made  "in  the  fool-hardy  formation  of  a  solid  column 
along  a  narrow  trail,  which  brought  them,  in  the  way  I  have 
described,  within  point-blank  range  of  the  Spanish  rifles,  and 
within  the  unobstructed  sweep  of  their  machine  guns."  He 
sums  up  as  follows :  "And  if  it  is  to  be  ambushed  when  you 
receive  the  enemy's  fire  perhaps  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before 
it  was  expected,  and  when  the  troop  was  in  a  formation,  and 
the  only  one  in  which,  in  view  of  the  nature  of  the  ground  it 
was  possible  to  advance  quickly,  then  most  certainly  L  Troop 
of  the  Rough  Riders  was  ambushed  by  the  Spaniards  on  the 
morning  of  June  24th." 

Mr.  Bonsai  also  brings  into  clear  view  the  part  taken  in  this 
battle  by  Lawton's  Infantry.  He  shows  by  means  of  a  simple 
map  the  trail  by  which  Miles'  brigade,  in  which  was  the 
Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  moved  in  order  to  flank  the  Spanish 
position,  while  Chaffee's  brigade  was  hurrying  forward  on  the 
Royal  Road  to  reinforce  the  line  in  front.  A  letter  from  a 
soldier  of  the  Twenty-fifth  written  soon  after  these  events  fully 
confirms  Mr.  Bonsai  in  what  he  says  concerning  the  movement 
of  Miles'  brigade.  The  soldier  says :  "On  the  morning  of  the 
24th  the  Rough  Riders,  Tenth  and  First  Cavalry  were  to  make 


FIRST    BATTl.K    IN    CUBA  14^ 

an  attack  on  a  little  place  where  the  Spanish  were  fortified. 
The  Second  Brigade  was  to  come  on  the  right  flank  of  these 
troops  and  a  little  in  rear  of  the  fortifications;  but  by  some 
misunderstanding,  the  former  troops,  led  by  the  Rough  Riders, 
made  an  attack  before  we  got  our  position,  and  the  result  was 
a  great  many  lives  lost  in  the  First  C_valry  and  Rough  Riders 
— only  one  in  Tenth  Cavalry,  but  many  wounded.  They  cap- 
tured the  fortification."  This  letter  by  a  humble  soldier,  writ- 
ten with  no  thought  of  its  importance,  shows  how  gallantly 
Lawton  had  sprung  to  the  rescue  of  Wheeler's  division.  Ac- 
cording to  Bonsai,  who  'says  he  obtained  his  information  from 
Spanish  officers  who  were  present  in  this  fight,  it  was  the  in- 
formation of  the  approach  of  this  brigade  and  of  Chaffee's  up 
the  main  road  that  caused  the  Spaniards  to  withdraw  rapidly 
from  the  position.  The  whole  force  was  in  imminent  danger 
of  being  captured.  Another  soldier  of  the  Twenty-fifth  wrote : 
"The  report  came  that  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  was  to  cut 
off  the  Spanish  retreat  from  a  stronghold,  toward  Santiago." 
These  glimpses  from  soldiers'  letters  illustrate  how  clearly 
they  comprehended  the  work  upon  which  they  were  sent,  and 
show  also  how  hearty  and  cordial  was  the  support  which  the 
infantry  at  that  time  was  hurrying  forward  to  the  advancing 
cavalry. 

The  official  reports  show  that  the  strength  of  the  Spanish 
position  was  before  the  right  of  our  line.  Mr.  Bonsai  says: 
"Directly  in  front  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  rose  undoubtedly  the 
strongest  point  in  the  Spanish  position — two  lines  of  shallow 
trenches,  strengthened  by  heavy  stone  parapets."  We  must  re- 
member that  so  far  as  we  can  get  the  disposition  of  these  troops 
from  official  records,  Troop  A  connected  the  Rough  Riders 
with  the  First  Cavalry,  and  Troops  I  and  B  were  on  the  right 
of  the  First  Cavalry.     Troop  A  did  not  fire  a  shot ;  the  fight- 


146  FIRST    BA'ITLE    U\    CUBA 

ing,  therefore,  was  done  by  Troops  I  and  B  on  the  extreme 
right  of  the  line,  and  it  was  on  their  front  that  "undoubtedly 
the  strongest  point  in  the  Spanish  position"  lay — nor  should 
the  reader  forget  that  at  this  very  important  moment  Troop 
B  was  commanded  by  its  First  Sergeant,  Buck,  Lieutenant 
Williard  having  by  his  own  report  been  "unfortunate  enough 
to  lose  the  troop."  This  is  said  with  no  disparagement  to 
Lieutenant  Williard.  It  was  merely  one  of  the  accidents  of 
battle. 

Says  Mr.  Bonsai :  "The  moment  the  advance  was  ordered 
the  black  troopers  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  forged  ahead.  They 
were  no  braver  certainly  than  any  other  men  in  the  line,  but 
their  better  training  enabled  them  to  render  more  valuable 
services  than  the  other  troops  engaged.  They  had  with  them 
and  ready  for  action  their  machine  guns,  and  shoved  them  right 
up  to  the  front  on  the  firing  line,  from  where  they  poured  very 
effective  fire  into  the  Spanish  trenches,  which  not  only  did  con- 
siderable execution,  but  was  particualrly  effective  in  keeping 
down  the  return  fire  of  the  Spaniards.  The  machine  guns  of 
the  Rough  Riders  were  mislaid,  or  the  mules  upon  which  they 
had  been  loaded  could  not  be  found  at  this  juncture.  It  was 
said  they  had  bolted.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  guns  were 
not  brought  into  action,  and  consequently  the  Spaniards  suf- 
fered less,  and  the  Rough  Riders  more,  in  the  gallant  charge 
they  made  up  the  hill  in  front  of  them,  after  the  Tenth  Cavalry 
had  advanced  and  driven  the  Spaniards  from  their  position  on 
the  right." 

Corporal  W.  F.  Johnson,  B  Troop,  was  the  non-commis- 
sioned officer  in  charge  of  the  machine  guns  during  the  brief 
fight  at  Las  Guasimas,  and  his  action  was  such  as  to  call  forth 
from  the  troop  commander  special  mention  "for  his  efficiency 
and  perfect  coolness  under  fire."     Here  I  may  be  pardoned 


FIRST    BATTLE    >X    CUBA  147 

for  calling  attention  to  a  notion  too  prevalent  concerning  the 
Negro  soldier  in  time  of  battle.  He  is  too  often  represented 
as  going  into  action  singing  like  a  zany  or  yelling  like  a  demon, 
rather  than  as  a  man  calculating  the  chances  for  life  and  vic- 
tory. The  official  reports  from  the  Black  Regulars  in  Cuba 
ought  to  correct  this  notion.  Every  troop  and  company  com- 
mander, who  has  reported  upon  colored  soldiers  in  that  war, 
speaks  of  the  coolness  of  the  men  of  his  command.  Captain 
Beck,  of  Troop  A,  Tenth  Cavalry,  in  the  Guasimas  fight,  says : 
"I  will  add  that  the  enlisted  men  of  Troop  A,  Tenth  Cavalry, 
behaved  well,  silently  and  alertly  obeying  orders,  and  without 
becoming  excited  when  the  fire  of  the  Cjnemy  reached  them." 
The  yell,  in  the  charge  of  the  regulars,  is  a  part  of  the  action, 
and  is  no  more  peculiar  to  Negro  troops  than  to  the  whites, 
only  as  they  may  differ  in  the  general  timbre  of  voice.  Black 
American  soldiers  when  not  on  duty  may  sing  more  than  white 
troops,  but  in  quite  a  long  experience  among  them  I  have  not 
found  the  difference  so  very  noticeable.  In  all  garrisons  one 
will  find  some  men  more  musically  inclined  than  others;  some 
who  love  to  sing  and  some  who  do  not ;  some  who  have  voices 
adapted  to  the  production  of  musical  tones,  and  some  who  have 
not,  and  it  is  doubtless  owing  to  these  constitutional  differ- 
ences that  we  find  differences  in  habits  and  expressions. 

Lieutenant  Miley,  of  General  Shafter's  staff,  in  his  description 
of  the  departure  of  General  Shafter  from  General  Garcia's  tent, 
gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  character  of  the  men  that  composed 
the  Cuban  army  in  that  vicinity. 

"While  the  interview  was  going  on,  the  troops  were  being 
assembled  to  do  honor  to  the  General  on  his  departure.  Sev- 
eral companies  were  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  tent  to  present 
arms  as  he  came  out,  and  a  regiment  escorted  him  to  the  beach 
down  the  winding  path,  which  was  now  lined  on  both  sides  by 
Cuban  soldiers  standing  about  a  yard  apart  and  presenting 
arms.  The  scene  made  a  strong  impression  on  all  in  the  party, 
there  seemed  to  be  such  an  earnestness  and  fixedness  of  purpose 


148  FIRST    BATTLE    IN    CUBA 

displayed  that  all  felt  these  soldiers  to  be  a  power.  About  fifty 
per  cent,  were  blacks,  and  the  rest  mulattoes,  with  a  small  num- 
ber of  whites.  They  were  very  poorly  clad,  many  without  shirts 
or  shoes,  but  every  man  had  his  gun  and  a  belt  full  of  ammuni- 
tion." 

B. 

EXTRACT  FROM  A  LETTER  FROM  A  SOLDIER  OF 

THE  loTH  CAVALRY,  TROOP  B,  CONCERNING 

THE  BATTLE  OF  LAS  GUASIMAS: 

"...  The  platoon  which  escaped  this  ditch  got  on  the  right 
of  the  1st  Cavalry  on  the  firing  line,  and  pushed  steadily  forward 
under  First  Sergeant  Buck,  being  then  in  two  squads — one 
under  Sergeant  Thompson.  On  account  of  the  nature  of  the 
ground  and  other  natural  obstacles,  there  were  men  not  con- 
nected with  any  squads,  but  who  advanced  with  the  line. 

Both  squads  fired  by  volley  and  at  will,  at  the  command  of  ihe 
sergeants  named;  and  their  shots  reached  the  enemy  and  were 
effective,  as  it  is  generally  believed. 

Private  W.  M.  Bunn,  of  Sergeant  Thompson's  squad,  is  re- 
ported to  have  shot  a  sharpshooter  from  a  tree  just  in  front  of 
the  enemy's  work.  Private  Wheeler  was  shot  twice  in  the  ad- 
vance. Sergeant  Thompson's  squad  was  once  stopped  from  fir- 
ing by  General  Wheeler's  adjutant-general  for  fear  of  hitting 
the  Rough  Riders. 

It  seems  that  two  distinct  battles  were  fought  that  day.  Col- 
onel Wood's  command  struck  the  enemy  at  about  the  tame  time, 
or  probably  a  litle  before,  ours  did,  and  all  unknown  to  the  men 
in  our  ranks ;  and  got  themselves  into  a  pretty  tight  squeeze. 
About  the  same  time  our  force  engaged  the  enemy  ;  nd  drew 
part  of  the  attention  they  were  giving  the  Rough  Riders.  This, 
the  latter  claimed,  enabled  them  to  continue  the  movement  on 
thp  enemy's  works. 

But  as  our  command  had  an  equal  number  of  ist  and  loth 
Cavalrymen,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  story  of  our  saving 
the  Rough  Riders  arose  from  the  fact  that  as  -;oon  ;s  the  fight 
was  over,  the  ist  Regular  Cavalry  was  opening  its  arms  to  us, 
declaring  that  we,  especially  B  Troop,  had  saved  Oiem;  for  the 
ist  Regular  Cavalry  Avas  first  in  the  attack  in  General  Young's 
command;  and  when  the  enemy  began  to  make  it  pretty  warm, 
he  ordered  B  and  T  Troops  of  the  loth  forward  on  the  right. 


FIRST    BATiLS;    IN    CUBA  I49. 

Troop  B  was  in  the  lead ;  and  the  alacrity  with  which  these  two 
troops  moved  to  the  front  has  always  been  praised  by  the  isl 
Cavalry ;  and  they  declare  that  that  movement  helped  them  won- 
derfully. In  making  this  movement  my  troop  had  three  or  four 
men  wounded;  and  later,  when  Sergeant  Thompson's  squad 
was  fighting  far  to  the  front,  it  had  in  it  several  members  of  tfie 
1st  Cavalry,  who  are  always  glad  to  praise  him. 

So,  I  think  that  by  the  Rough  Riders  first  attributing  their 
success,  or  their  rescue  from  inevitable  defeat,  to  the  attack 
made  by  our  command;  and  by  the  ist  Regular  Cavalry's  very 
generously,  in  the  heat  of  success,  bestowing  upon  us  the 
honors  of  the  day,  it  finally  became  a  settled  thing  that  we  saved 
the  whole  battle. 

That  evening,  after  the  battle,  I  was  met  by  Lieutenant  Shipp, 
later  killed  at  San  Juan  Hill,  who,  on  inquiring  and  being  told 
that  I  belonged  to  Troop  B,  congratulated  me  on  its  conduct, 
and  said  it  had  made  a  name  for  the  regiment.  Lieutenant 
Shipp  was  not  in  that  fight,  but  had  come  up  after  it  was  over 
and  had  heard  of  us  through  the  ist  Cavalry." 


Sergeant  John  Buck  was  born  September  loth,  1861,  at 
Chapel  Hill,  Texas ;  enlisted  in  loth  Cavalry,  November  6,  1880, 
and  passed  over  ten  years  in  active  Indian  service.  He  is  a  man 
of  strong  character,  an  experienced  horseman  and  packer,  and 
so  commanded  a  portion  of  the  firing  line  in  the  battle  of  June 
24  as  to  elicit  remarks  of  praise  from  officers  of  other  troops 
"for  his  gallantry,  coolness  and  good  judgment  under  fire." 
Sergeant  Thompson's  good  conduct  in  the  same  battle  was 
noticeable  also.  Sergeant  Buck  was  made  second  lieutenant  in 
the  7th  U.  S.  Volunteer  Infantry  and  subsequently  captain  in 
the  48th  United  States  Volunteers. 


150  THE  BATTLE  OK  EL  CANEY 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY. 
The  Capture   of  the  Stone  Fort  by  the  Twenty-fifth   Infantry. 

While  the  battle  of  Guasimas  was  going-  on,  in  which  the 
Tenth  Cavlary  took  so  conspicuous  a  part,  the  Twenty-fourth 
Infantry  still  remained  on  board  the  City  of  Washington 
awaiting  orders  to  land.  During  the  night  of  the  24th  such  or- 
ders were  received  by  the  authorities  of  the  transport,  and 
they  were  directed  to  land  their  troops,  but  the  General  Com- 
manding, Brigadier-General  Kent,  did  not  hear  of  the  matter 
until  some  time  the  next  morning.  He  relates  the  following 
circumstances  in  his  official  report  of  the  debarkation : 

"At  9  a.  m.  of  the  25th  Lieutenant  Cardin,  of  the  Revenue 
Marine,  came  aboard  with  orders  for  me  to  proceed  to  and 
disembark  at  Altares  (Siboney).  This  officer  also  handed  me 
a  letter  from  the  corps  commander  expressing  his  astonishment 
that  I  had  remained  away  three  days." 

General  Kent  also  states  in  his  report  that  his  travel  rations 
had  been  exhausted  seven  days  before  and  that  but  one  meal  of 
field  rations  remained,  and  that  the  ship's  supply  both  of  water 
and  provisions  was  running  low,  and  that  in  consequence  of 
these  facts  as  well  as  for  higher  considerations  he  was  very 
anxious  to  get  on  shore.  The  debarkation  followed  as  rapidly 
as  possible,  and  that  afternoon  General  Kent  reported  in  person 
to  Major-General  Wheeler,  the  troops  bivouacking  for  the 
night  near  the  landing.  The  next  day  Colonel  Pearson,  who 
commanded  the  Second  Brigade  of  Kent's  division,  took  the 


THE    BA1TLK    OF    EL    CANEY  151 

Second  Infantry  and  reconnoitred  along  the  railroad  toward 
the  Morro,  going  a  distance  of  about  six  miles  and  returning 
in  the  evening,  having  found  no  enemy  in  that  vicinity,  al- 
though evidences  were  found  that  a  force  had  recently  retreated 
from  a  blockhouse  situated  on  the  railroad  about  two  miles 
from  Aguadores. 

On  the  day  following,  June  27th,  the  entire  division  moved 
out  on  the  road  toward  Santiago  and  encamped  on  the  same 
ground  that  Lawton  had  occupied  the  night  previous.  The 
Second  Brigade  took  its  place  near  Savilla,  while  the  Third 
Brigade,  which  included  the  Twenty-fourth  Infantry,  went  into 
camp  at  Las  Guasimas,  where  the  affair  of  the  24th  had  oc- 
curred. The  order  of  march  had  now  partially  fallen  back  to 
the  original  plan:  Lawton  in  advance,  with  whom  was  the 
Twenty-Fifth  Infantry;  Wheeler  next,  with  whom  was  the 
Ninth  and  Tenth  Cavalry,  and  Kent  in  the  rear,  who  had,  as 
we  have  just  related,  the  Twenty-fourth  Infantry  in  his  Third 
Brigade.  In  this  order  the  army  moved,  so  far  as  it  moved  at 
all,  until  the  morning  of  the  30th,  when  dispositions  for  the 
general  attack  began. 

The  story  of  the  great  battle,  or  as  it  turned  out,  of  the 
two  great  battles,  begins  on  this  day,  and  the  careers  of  the 
four  colored  regiments  are  to  be  followed  through  the  divisions 
of  Lawton,  Kent  and  Wheeler.  Let  us  begin,  however,  with 
General  Shafter's  official  report  and  his  "Story  of  Santiago," 
as  told  in  the  "Century"  of  February,  1899. 

From  these  sources  it  is  learned  that  on  June  30th  General 
Shafter  reconnoitered  the  country  about  Santiago  and  deter- 
mined upon  a  plan  of  attack.  Ascending  a  hill  from  which  he 
could  obtain  a  good  view  of  the  city,  and  could  also  see  San 
Juan  Hill  and  the  country  about  El  Caney,  he  observed  afresh 


152  THE    BAITLE    OK    EL    CANEY 

what  had  impressed  itself  upon  all  immediately  upon  landing; 
to  wit:  That  in  all  this  country  there  were  no  good  roads 
along  which  to  move  troops  or  transport  supplies.  The  Gen- 
eral says :  "I  had  never  seen  a  good  road  in  a  Spanish  coun- 
try, and  Santiago  did  not  disappoint  my  expectations."  The 
roads  as  he  saw  them  from  the  summit  of  the  hill  on  June  30th 
were  very  poor,  and  indeed,  little  better  than  bridle  paths,  ex- 
cept between  El  Caney  and  San  Juan  River  and  the  city.  With- 
in this  region,  a  distance  of  from  four  to  four  and  a  half  miles, 
the  roads  were  passable.  El  Caney  lay  about  four  miles  north- 
east of  Santiago,  and  was  strongly  fortified,  and,  as  events 
proved,  strongly  garrisoned.  This  position  was  of  great  im- 
portance to  the  enemy,  because  from  it  a  force  might  come  to 
attack  the  right  fiank  and  rear  of  the  American  Army  as  it 
should  make  its  attempt  on  San  Juan  Hill.  El  Caney  held  the 
road  from  Guantanamo,  at  which  point  an  important  Spanish 
force  was  posted.  While  General  Shafter  was  surveying  the 
country  from  the  hill  at  El  Pozo  and  making  what  special  ex- 
amination he  could  of  the  country  toward  San  Juan  Hills, 
Generals  Lawton  and  Chaffee  were  making  a  reconnoisance 
around  El  Caney.  From  General  Lawton's  report  it  would  ap- 
pear that  the  work  of  reconnoitering  around  El  Caney  was 
done  chiefly  by  General  Chaffee.  He  says :  "To  General  Adna 
R.  Chaffee  I  am  indebted  for  a  thorough  and  intelligent  recon- 
noissance  of  the  town  of  El  Caney  and  vicinity  prior  to  the  bat- 
tle and  the  submission  of  a  plan  of  attack  which  was  adopted. 
I  consider  General  Chaffee  one  of  the  best  practical  soldiers 
in  the  army  and  recommend  him  for  special  distinction  for  suc- 
cessfully charging  the  stone  fort  mentioned  in  this  report,  the 
capture  of  which  practically  closed  the  battle." 

The  general  plan  of  attack  as  explained  by  General  Shafter 


THE    HATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  1 55 

himself  in  his  "Century"  article  was  "to  put  a  brigade  on  the 
road  between  Santiago  and  El  Caney,  to  keep  the  Spaniards 
at  the  latter  place  from  retreating  on  the  city,  and  then  with 
the  rest  of  Lawton's  division  and  the  divisions  of  Wheeler  and 
Kent,  and  Bates'  brigade  to  attack  the  Spanish  position  in 
front  of  Santiago."  Before  that  he  had  said  that  he  wished  to 
put  a  division  in  on  the  right  of  El  Caney  and  assault  the  town 
on  that  road.  To  Admiral  Sampson  on  June  26th  he  said: 
"I  shall,  if  I  can,  put  a  large  force  in  Caney,  and  one  perhaps 
still  farther  west,  near  the  pipe-line  conveying  water  to  the 
city,  making  my  main  attack  from  the  northeast  and  east."  His 
desire  at  this  time  was  to  "get  the  enemy  in  my  front  and  the 
city  at  my  back."  On  June  30th  he  had  modified  this  plan  so 
as  to  decide  to  place  one  brigade  on  the  road  between  El  Caney 
and  Santiago,  with  a  view  merely  to  keeping  the  El  Caney  gar- 
rison from  retreating  into  Santiago. 

As  he  was  explaining  his  plan  to  the  division  officers  and 
others  on  the  afternoon  of  the  30th  at  his  own  headquarters, 
Lawton  and  Chafifee  were  of  the  opinion  that  they  could  dis- 
pose of  the  Spaniards  at  El  Caney  in  two  hours  time.  "There- 
fore," says  the  General,  "I  modified  my  plan,  assigning  Law- 
ton's  whole  division  for  the  attack  of  El  Caney  and  directed 
Bates'  independent  brigade  to  his  support."  This  last  modifica- 
tion of  General  Shafter's  plan  was  made  in  deference  to  the 
opinion  of  subordinates,  and  was  based  upon  observations  made 
especially  by  General  Chafifee. 

The  force  assigned  for  the  reduction  of  El  Caney  was  to  be- 
gin its  work  early  in  the  morning,  and  by  ten  or  eleven  o'clock 
at  the  outside  it  was  expected  that  the  task  would  be  accom- 
plished and  Lawton  would  join  Kent  and  Sumner  in  the  as- 
sault upon  San  Juan.     Early  on  the  morning  of  July  ist  Cap^ 


J  54  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

ron's  battery  was  got  into  position  on  a  line  running  directly- 
north  from  Marianage  on  a  hill  about  five  hundred  yards  east 
of  Las  Guasimas  Creek.  Lawton's  division  began  its  move  on 
the  afternoon  of  the  30th,  as  did  in  fact  the  whole  army,  and 
bivouacked  that  night  near  El  Pozo.  The  Twenty-fifth  In- 
fantry, which  belonged  to  the  Second  Brigade,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Miles,  a  former  Major  of  the  Twenty-fifth,  left  El 
Pozo  at  daylight  by  way  of  the  road  leading  almost  due  north, 
and  marched  about  one  mile  to  the  little  town  of  Marianag^. 
Here  a  halt  was  made  for  an  hour,  from  6.30  to  7.30,  during 
which  time  reconnoitering  parties  were  sent  out  to  examine 
the  ground  toward  the  Ducoureau  House,  which  lay  about  one 
mile  to  the  northward  of  Marianage,  and  which  had  been  desig- 
nated by  General  Lawton  as  a  general  rendezvous  after  the 
engagement  should  terminate.  Reconnoissance  was  made  also 
to  the  front  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  the  enemy,  and  to 
ascertain  the  left  of  Ludlow's  brigade.  This  was  the  first 
brigade  of  Lawton's  division  and  consisted  of  the  Eighth  and 
Twenty-second  Infantry  and  the  Second  Massachusetts,  the 
last  named  regiment  being  on  the  right.  The  Second  Brigade 
was  to  connect  with  this  on  its  right  and  succeeded  in  finding 
the  position  of  the  Second  Massachusetts  during  this  halt.  At 
1 1.30  Miles'  brigade  was  ordered  to  take  position  on  the  right 
of  Ludlow's  brigade,  which  it  did  in  the  following  order:  The 
Fourth  Infantry  on  the  left,  joining  with  the  Second  Massa- 
chusetts on  Ludlow's  right;  the  Twenty-fifth  on  the  right,  with 
its  left  joining  on  the  Fourth  Infantry. 

We  must  now  review  the  progress  of  the  battle  so  far  as 
it  i.^  possible  to  do  so,  from  the  firing  of  the  first  shot  by 
Capron's  battery  up  to  11.30,  an  hour  long  after  the  time  at 
which  it  had  been  supposed  that  El  Caney  would  fall.     Cap- 


THE    BATTLE   OF    £L   CAN  BY  1 55 

ron's  reports  are  very  brief.  He  says :  "J^^Y  i — Fired  sheli 
and  shrappnel  into  EI  Caney  (ranged  2.400)  6.15  a.  m.  to 
11.30  a.  m."  In  another  report  he  says:  "Opened  fire  July 
I,  with  shell  and  shrappnel  at  6.15  on  Caney;  range,  2,400 
yards;  continued  until  11.30  a.  m."  He  says  that  the  battery 
"continued  its  fire  against  specified  objectives  intermittently 
throughout  the  day  under  the  personal  direction  of  the  divis- 
ion commander."  The  forces  we  have  so  far  considered,  con- 
sisting of  Ludlow's  and  Miles'  brigades,  and  of  Capron's  bat- 
tery, lay  to  the  south  of  Caney,  between  it  and  Santiago,  Lud- 
low's brigade  having  been  placed  there  to  "cut  off  the  retreat 
of  the  garrison  should  it  attempt  to  escape."  Up  to  1 1.30  there 
had  been  no  call  for  employing  it  for  that  purpose.  The  gar- 
rison had  made  no  attempt  to  escape.  We  must  now  g^ 
around  to  the  east  and  north  of  Caney.  Here  the  Third  Bri- 
gade, consisting  of  the  Seventh,  Twelfth  and  Seventeenth  In- 
fantry, was  posted,  and  early  in  the  morning  joined  in  the  at- 
tack, the  brigade  getting  under  fire  before  eight  o'clock.  Col- 
onel Carpenter,  of  the  Seventh  Regiment,  says  that  one  com- 
pany of  his  regiment,  by  General  Chaffee's  direction,  was  de- 
tached and  sent  forward  to  reduce  a  blockhouse,  well  up  on 
the  hill,  which  commanded  the  approach  of  his  regiment  to  the 
field  of  action.  After  several  ineffectual  attempts  by  the  com- 
pany, the  Captain  (Van  Orsdale)  was  directed  to  abandon  the 
undertaking  and  rejoin  the  regiment,  which  then  took  up  a 
position  on  the  crest  of  a  hill  running  nearly  parallel  with  the 
Spanish  lines.  From  this  position  the  men  crawled  forward 
about  fifty  yards  and  opened  a  deliberate  fire  upon  the  enemy, 
keeping  it  up  for  about  an  hour,  but  as  the  losses  of  the  regi- 
ment at  this  time  were  considerable  and  the  fire  seemed  to  be 
without  material  effect,  the  command  was  withdrawn  to  its 


I  $6  THE    BATTLE   OF    EL    CANEY 

position  on  the  hill  where  it  found  protection  in  a  sunken  road'. 
In  this  condition  this  regiment  lay  when  Capron's  battery  made 
its  lull  at  11.30.  The  fearful  fire  this  regiment  met  can  be 
estimated  by  the  losses  it  sustained,  which  during  the  day  were 
as  follows:  Killed  ,1  officer  and  33  enlisted  men;  wounded,  4 
officers  and  95  enlisted  men;  missing,  3  enlisted  men.  The 
Seventeenth  Regiment  went  into  action  on  the  right  of  the 
Seventh,  doing  but  little  firing,  as  their  orders  were  not  to 
open  fire  unless  they  could  make  the  fire  effective.  Companies 
C  and  G  fired  a  few  volleys ;  the  remainder  of  the  regiment  did 
not  fire  at  all.  Four  enlisted  men  were  killed  and  two  officers 
severely  wounded,  one,  Lieutenant  Dickinson,  dying  from  his 
wounds  within  a  few  hours.  Several  enlisted  men  were  also 
wounded.  At  11.30  this  regiment  was  lying  on  the  right  of 
the  Seventh.  The  Twelfth  Regiment  began  firing  between  6 
and  7  in  the  morning  and  advanced  to  take  its  position  on  the 
left  of  the  Seventh  Infantry,  This  regiment  early  reached  a 
position  within  350  yards  of  the  enemy,  in  which  it  found 
shelter  in  the  sunken  road,  "free  from  the  enemy's  fire."  The 
regiment  remained  in  this  position  until  about  4  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and,  hence,  was  there  at  11.30  a.  m.  The  losses 
of  this  regiment  during  the  day  were,  killed,  7  enlisted  men; 
wounded,  2  officers  and  31  enlisted  men.  From  these  brief 
sketches  the  reader  will  now  be  able  to  grasp  the  position  of 
Lawton's  entire  division.  Beginning  on  the  south,  from  the 
west,  with  Ludlow's  brigade,  consisting  of  the  Twenty-second, 
Eighth  and  Second  Massachusetts,  the  line  was  continued  by 
Miles'  brigade  of  the  Fourth  and  Twenty-fifth  Infantry;  then 
passing  over  a  considerable  space,  we  strike  Chaffee's  brigade, 
posted  as  has  just  been  described.  General  Bates'  brigade  prob- 
ably arrived  upon  the  field  about  noon.    This  brigade  consisted 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EE    CANEY  (57 

of  the  Third  and  Twentieth  Infantry,  and  is  known  as  "Bates' 
Independent  Brigade."  The  brigade  is  reported  as  going  into 
action  about  i  o'clock  and  continuing  in  action  until  4  o'clock. 
It  took  a  position  on  the  right,  partially  filling  up  the  gap  be- 
tween Miles  and  Chaffee.  The  first  battalion  of  the  Twentieth 
Infantry  went  into  action  on  the  left  of  the  Twenty-fifth  In- 
fantry's firing  line,  and  one  company,  A,  took  part  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  charge  by  which  the  stone  house  was  taken.  Be- 
tween 11.30,  when  Capron's  firing  stopped,  and  when  Miles' 
brigade  was  moved  forward  to  join  the  right  of  Ludlow's,  and 
12.20,  when  the  battery  recommenced,  the  troops,  including 
Bates'  brigade,  were  either  in  the  positions  described  above  or 
were  moving  to  them.  Noon  had  arrived  and  El  Caney  is  not 
taken ;  the  garrison  has  not  attempted  to  escape,  but  is  sending 
out  upon  its  assailants  a  continuous  and  deadly  fire.  "Through- 
out the  heaviest  din  of  our  fire,"  says  Colonel  Carpenter, 
"could  be  heard  the  peculiar  high-keyed  ring  of  the  defiant 
enemy's  shots." 

Twelve  o'clock  on  July  ist,  1898,  was  a  most  anxious  hour 
for  our  army  in  Cuba.  The  battle  at  El  Caney  was  at  a  stand- 
still and  the  divisions  of  Kent  and  Sumner  were  in  a  most  peril- 
ous situation.  Bonsai's  description  of  the  state  of  the  battle 
at  that  time  is  pathetic.  Speaking  of  the  artillery  at  El  Caney 
— Capron's  battery — he  says  it  was  now  apparent  that  this  ar- 
tillery, firing  from  its  position  of  twenty-four  hundred  yardir, 
could  do  very  little  damage  to  the  great  stone  fort  and  earth- 
works north  of  the  village.  The  shots  were  too  few  and  the 
metal  used  too  light  to  be  effectual.  Three  hours  of  the  morn- 
ing- had  worn  awav  and  the  advance  of  our  men  had  been 
slowly  made  and  at  great  cost;  all  the  approaches  were  com- 
manded by  Spanish  entrenchments  and  the  fighting  was  very 


JSS  THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CAXEY 

unequal.,  A  soldier  of  the  Twenty-fifth  says  that  when  he  came 
in  sight  of  the  battle  at  El  Caney,  "the  Americans  were  gain- 
ing no  ground,  and  the  flashes  of  the  Spanish  mausers  told  us 
that  the  forces  engaged  were  unequally  matched,  the  differ- 
ence of  position  favoring  the  Spaniards."  This  view  was  had 
about  noon,  or  soon  after.  At  that  time  "a  succession  of  aides 
and  staff  officers  came  galloping  from  headquarters  with  mes- 
sages which  plainly  showed  that  confusion,  if  not  disaster,  had 
befallen  the  two  divisions  which,  by  the  heavy  firing,  we  had 
learned  to  our  great  surprise,  had  become  warmly  engaged  in 
the  centre.  The  orders  to  General  Lav/ton  from  headquarters 
were  at  first  peremptory  in  character — he  was  to  pull  out  of  his 
fight  and  to  move  his  division  to  the  support  of  the  centre" 
(Bonsai).  This  call  for  Lawton  arose  from  the  fact  that  about 
noon  General  Shafter  received  several  dispatches  from  Sumner, 
of  the  Cavalry  Division,  requiring  assistance.  General  Sum- 
ner felt  the  need  of  the  assistance  of  every  available  man  in 
the  centre  of  the  line  where  he  was  carrying  on  his  fight  with 
the  Spaniards  on  Blue  House  Hill.  This  situation  so  im- 
pressed the  General,  Shafter,  that  he  finally  wrote  to  Lawton, 
"You  must  proceed  with  the  remainder  of  your  force  and  join 
on  immediately  upon  Sumner's  right.  If  you  do  not  the  bat- 
tle is  lost."  Shafter's  idea  then  was  to  fall  back  to  his  original 
plan  of  just  leaving  enough  troops  at  El  Caney  to  prevent  the 
garrison  from  going  to  the  assistance  of  any  other  part  of  the 
line.  Shafter  himself  says:  "As  the  fight  progressed  I  was 
impressed  with  the  fact  that  we  were  meeting  with  a  very  stub- 
born resistance  at  El  Caney  and  I  began  to  fear  that  I  had  made 
a  mistake  in  making  two  fights  in  one  day,  and  -sent  Major 
Noble  with  orders  to  Lawton  to  hasten  with  his  troops  along 
the  Caney  road,  placing  himself  on  the  right  of  Wheeler" 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  159 

(Sumner).  Lawton  now  made  a  g-eneral  advance,  and  it  is  im- 
portant to  see  just  what  troops  did  advance.  The  Seventh  In- 
fantry did  not  move,  for  Lieutenant-Colonel ,  Carpenter  says 
that  after  withdrawing  "to  the  partial  cover  furnished  by  the 
road,  the  regiment  occupied  this  position  from  8  o'clock  a.  m. 
until  about  4.30  p.  m."  The  Seventeenth  did  not  move,  for 
Captain  O'Brien,  commanding,  says  the  regiment  took  a  posi- 
tion joining  "its  left  with  the  right  of  the  Seventh  Infantry" 
and  that  the  regiment  "remained  in  this  position  until  the  bat- 
tle was  over."  The  Twelfth  Infantry  remained  in  its  shelter 
within  350  yards  of  the  stone  fort  until  about  4  p.  m.  Then 
we  have  Chaffee's  brigade  on  the  north  of  the  fort  remaining 
stationary  and  by  their  own  reports  doing  but  little  firing.  The 
Seventeenth  fired  "for  about  fifty  minutes"  about  noon,  with 
remarkable  precision,  but  "it  seemingly  had  no  effect  upon  re- 
ducing the  Spanish  fire  delivered  in  our  (their)  front."  The 
Seventh  did  not  fire  to  any  extent.  The  Twelfth  Infantry  lay 
in  its  refuge  "free  from  the  enemy's  fire"  and  may  have  kept  up 
an  irregular  fire. 

About  this  time  Bates'  brigade  entered  the  field  and  one  bat- 
talion of  the  Twentieth  Infantry  is  reported  to  have  joined  the 
left  of  the  firing  line  of  the  Twenty-fifth.  General  Ludlow  says 
there  was  a  lull  from  12  to  i  p.  m.,  "when  the  action  again  be- 
came violent,  and  at  3  p.  m.  the  Third  Brigade  captured  the 
stone  fort  with  a  rush  and  hoisted  the  American  flag."  From 
Ludlow's  brigade,  Captain  Van  Home,  commanding  the 
Twenty-second  Infantry,  after  the  wounding  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Patterson,  says  that  the  First  Battalion  of  his  regiment 
took  a  position  about  800  yards  from  the  town  and  kept  up 
firing  until  the  place  surrendered.  He  does  not  say  positively 
that  the  firing  was  upon  the  town,  but  he  had  said  just  before 


l6o  THE    BATTl-E    OF    EL    CANEY 

that  the  Second  Battalion  slowly  moved  forward,  firing  into 
the  town  from  the  left,  so  that  we  may  readily  conclude  from 
the  context  as  well  as  from  the  position  that  the  First  Battalion 
fired  into  the  town  also.  Hence  it  seems  fair  to  exclude  from 
the  fort  all  of  Ludlow's  brigade,  and  it  is  observable  that  Lud- 
low himself  claims  no  part  in  the  capture  of  that  stronghold. 

General  Bates  says  his  brigade  took  position  to  the  right  of 
Colonel  Miles'  brigade  and  pushed  rapidly  to  the  front.  He 
then  says  that  after  remaining  sometime  in  the  crossroad  to  the 
right  of  Miles'  brigade,  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  enemy, 
the  brigade  moved  farther  "to  the  right  to  the  assault  of  a 
small  hill,  occupied  upon  the  top  by  a  stone  fort  and  well  pro- 
tected by  rifle  pits.  General  Chaffee's  brigade  charged  them 
from  the  right,  and  the  two  brigades  joining  upon  the  crest, 
opened  fire  from  this  point  of  vantage,  lately  occupied  by  the 
Spanish,  upon  the  vilalge  of  El  Caney."  General  Chaffee  says 
it  was  in  consequence  of  the  fire  of  General  Bates'  troops  upon 
the  fort  that  the  assault  by  the  Twelfth  Infantry  was  postponed. 

In  General  Chaffee's  report  this  statement  occurs :  "The  ac- 
tion lasted  nearly  throughout  the  day,  terminating  at  about 
4.30  p.  m.,  at  which  time  the  stone  blockhouse  was  assaulted 
by  Captain  Haskell's  battalion  of  the  Twelfth  Infantry,  under 
the  personal  direction  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Comba,  command- 
ing the  regiment.  The  resistance  at  this  point  had  been  greatly 
affected  by  the  fire  of  Capron's  batjtery.  A  few  moments 
after  the  seizure  of  this  point — the  key  to  the  situation — my 
left  was  joined  by  General  Bates  with  a  portion  of  his  com- 
mand." It  is  to  be  noted  in  connection  with  all  of  the  above 
statements,  that  Major  McCaskey,  who  commanded  the  Twen- 
tieth Infantry  (Bates  brigade),  says:  "The  First  Battalion 
was  moved  to  the  right  and  put  into  action  on  the  left  of  the 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  l6l 

Twenty-fifth  Infantry's  firing  line,  and  one  company,  A,  took 
part  in  the  latter  part  of  the  charge  by  which  the  stone  house 
was  taken."  The  two  points  to  be  noted  here  are  (i)  that  this 
battalion  was  on  the  left  of  the  Twenty-fifth's  firing  line,  and 
(2)  that  one  company  took  part  in  the  charge  upon  the  stone 
house.  When  Chaffee's  brigade  charged  the  stone  house  from 
the  right  'Some  of  Bates'  troops,  at  least  this  Company  A,  from 
the  battalion  near  the  firing  line  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry, 
took  part  in  the  latter  part  of  the  charge.  The  two  brigades, 
Bates'  and  Chaffee's,  joined  immediately  after  the  capture  of 
the  stone  fort  and  opened  fire  upon  the  town. 

We  have  now  traced  the  actions  and  the  fortunes  of  the  three 
following  brigades :  Ludlow's  Chaffee's  and  Bates'.  But  what 
has  become  of  Miles'  brigade?  Unfortunately,  the  Second 
Brigade  has  not  been  so  well  reported  as  were  the  others  en- 
gaged in  the  action  at  El  Caney.  We  have  seen  that  it  was 
ordered  to  take  position  on  the  right  of  Ludlow's  brigade  at 
1 1.30,  when  Capron's  battery  ceased  its  firing  for  the  fifty  min- 
utes. "We  were  detained  in  reaching  our  position  by  troops 
in  our  front  blocking  the  road,"  says  the  brigade  commander. 
"We  came  into  action  directly  in  front  of  the  stone  blockhpuse 
at  12.30,  and  from  that  hour  until  about  4.30,  when  the  com- 
mand 'cease  firing'  was  given,  the  blockhouse  having  been 
captured,  my  command  was  continuously  under  fire."  The 
reader  will  note  in  this  report  that  the  brigade  went  into  action 
at  12.30,  several  hours  before  the  charge  was  ordered  by  Gen- 
eral Chaffee,  and  at  least  an  hour  and  a  half  before,  according 
to  the  report  of  the  commander  of  the  Third  Brigade,  "this 
fort  was  practically  in  the  possession  of  the  Twelfth  Infantry." 
Major  Baker,  who  commanded  the  Fourth  Infantry,  says : 
"About  12  m.  we  received  orders  directing  us  to  take  our  place 


1 62  THE    BATTLE   OF    EL   CANEY 

in  the  line  of  battle,  and  arriving  at  the  proper  point  the  regi- 
ment was  placed  in  line  in  the  following  order :  The  First  Bat- 
talion in  the  fighting  line;  the  Second  Battalion  in  support  and 
regimental  reserve.  In  this  order  the  First  Battalion,  under 
my  command,  took  up  the  advance  toward  the  blockhouse,  to 
our  right,  south  east  of  Caney."  This  battalion  advanced  until 
it  reached  a  position  about  200  yards  from  the  village,  where 
it  remained,  assisted  by  the  Second  Battalion  until  the  capture 
of  the  fort.  Two  companies  of  this  First  Battalion  "fired  into 
the  town  and  also  into  the  blockhouse  until  its  fall."  A  good 
part  of  the  fire  of  this  regiment  w-as  directed  upon  the  fort. 

Colonel  Miles  says:  "The  brigade  advanced  steadily,  with 
such  scanty  cover  as  the  ground  afforded,  maintaining  a  heavy 
fire,  on  the  stone  foi*t  from  the  time  the  fight  began  until  it 
ended."  The  reader  is  asked  to  note  particularly  that  this  fire 
was  continuous  throughout  the  fight ;  that  it  was  characterized 
by  the  brigade  commander  as  "heavy,"  and  that  it  was  "on  the 
stone  fort.".  He  says:  "As  the  brigade  advanced  across  a 
plowed  field  in  front  of  the  enemy's  position  the  latter's  sharp- 
shooters in  the  houses  in  Caney  enfiladed  the  left  of  our  line 
with  a  murderous  fire.  To  silence  it  Major  Baker,  Fourth  In- 
fantry, in  command  of  the  battalion  of  that  regiment  on  the  left 
of  our  line  of  battle,  directed  it  to  turn  its  fire  upon  the  town. 
In  so  doing  this  battalion  lost  heavily,  but  its  steady  front  and 
accurate  volleys  greatly  assisted  the  advance  of  the  remainder 
of  the  brigade  upon  the  stone  fort." 

We  have  now  these  facts  clearly  brought  out  or  suggested : 
That  the  brigade  took  its  place  in  line  of  battle  soon  after  12 
o'clock ;  that  the  Fourth  Infantry  was  on  the  left ;  that  the  ad- 
vance of  the  First  Battalion  of  the  Fourth  Infantry  was  "to- 
ward the  blockhouse;"  that  aside  from  the  companies  of  the 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  163 

Fourth  Infantry  that  fired  into  town,  "the  remainder  of  the 
brigade  advanced  upon  the  stone  fort."  The  Fourth  Infantry, 
holding  the  left  of  the  line,  however,  reached  a  position  from 
which  it  could  not  advance,  its  commander  having  "quickly 
perceived  that  an  advance  meant  annihilation,  as  it  would  in- 
volve not  only  a  frontal,  but  also  a  flank  fire  from  the  town." 
Here  the  Foiu'th  Infantry  remained,  but  continued  to  maintain 
a  fire  upon  both  the  blockhouse  and  the  town. 

There  is  but  one  more  regiment  in  all  of  Lawton's  division 
to  be  accounted  for,  and  that  is  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  hold- 
ing the  right  of  Miles'  brigade  in  this  advance.  This  regiment 
was  in  place  in  the  line  under  its  gallant  and  experienced  com- 
mander, Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  S.  Daggett,  and  contributed  its 
full  share  of  that  "heavy  fire  on  the  stone  fort  from  the  time  the 
fight  began  until  it  ended."  Major  McCaskey  says  the  Firsl 
Battalion  of  his  regiment  took  a  position  on  the  left  of  the 
Twenty-fifth's  firing  line.  The  statement  seems  erroneous,  and 
one  is  inclined  to  believe  that  it  was  originally  written  "on  the 
right,"  instead  of  "on  the  left" ;  but  it  is  enough  for  our  pur- 
pose now,  that  the  firing  line  of  the  Twenty-fifth  is  recognized 
well  in  advance.  Major  Baker,  who  commanded  on  the  left  of 
the  brigade  line,  and  whose  advance  was  stopped  by  the  flank 
fire  from  the  village  and  a  frontal  fire  from  the  fort,  says : 
"as  a  matter  of  fact  'the  village  of  El  Caney  was  not  charged 
by  any  troops.  Those  of  Bates'  brigade  and  the  Twenty-fifth 
Infantry,  after  having  carried  the  stone  fort  (on  a  hill  some 
75  feet  higher,  and  to  the  east  of  the  town,)  fired  into  the  vil- 
lage, and  the  Fourth  Infantry  continued  its  fire.  Nor  was  it 
charged  by  any  of  the  troops  to  our  left.  Such  a  charge  would 
necessarily  have  been  seen  by  us."  Major  Baker,  who  was 
on  the  field  and  had  the  blockhouse  in  clear  view,  declares  that 


164  THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY 

some  of  Bates'  brigade  and  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  carried 
the  stone  fort.  Major  McCaskey  says  that  one  battaHon  of  the 
Twentieth  Infantry  (Bates'  brigade)  was  on  the  left  of  the 
Twenty-fifth's  firing  line,  and  that  one  company  (A)  took  part 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  charge  by  which  the  fort  was  taken. 
This  battalion  may  be  referred  to  by  Major  Baker  when  he 
says :  "Those  of  Bates'  brigade  and  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry, 
after  having  carried,  etc." 

As  there  are  some  matters  of  dispute  concerning  the  events 
which  I  am  now  going  to  relate,  I  will  present  a  soldier's  state- 
ment before  I  go  to  the  official  records.  The  soldier  in  writ- 
ing to  me  after  the  battle  says  :  *T  was  left-guide  of  Company 
G  (25th  Infantry),  and  I  received  orders  from  Lieutenant  Mc- 
Corkle  to  guide  on  Fourth  Infantry,  which  held  the  left  flank. 
'Forward,  march!  Guide  left.  Don't  fire  until  you  see  some- 
body; then  fire  to  hit!'  came  the  orders.  Tramp!  tramp! 
Crash !  crash  !  On  we  walked  and  stopped.  We  fired  into  the 
underbrush  for  safety ;  then  in  another  moment  we  were  under 
Spanish  fire.  Balls  flew  like  bees,  humming  as  they  went. 
Soon  we  found  ourselves  up  against  a  network  of  Spanish 
trickery.  Barbed-wire  fences,  ditches  and  creeks,  too  numerous 
to  think  of.  The  only  thing  left  was  to  go  ahead  or  die;  or 
else  retreat  like  cowards.  We  preferred  to  go  ahead.  At 
this  first  fence  Lieutenant  McCorkle  was  taken  to  earth  by  a 
Spanish  bullet.  Lieutenant  IMoss  spoke  out,  'Come  ahead! 
Let's  get  at  these  Spaniards!'  A  few  moments  more  and  he, 
too,  was  almost  dead  with  exertion,  loud  speaking,  running  and 
jumping,  as  onward  we  swept  toward  the  Spanish  stronghold. 
The  sun  was  exceedingly  hot,  as  on  the  slope  of  a  little  mound 
we  rested  for  a  few  moments.  We  lay  here  about  five  minutes, 
looking  into  the  Spanish  fort  or  blockhouse;  we  measured  the 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  I65 

distance  by  our  eyesight,  then  with  our  rifles;  we  began  to 
cheer  and  storm,  and  in  a  moment  more,  up  the  hill  like  a  bevy 
of  blue  birds  did  the  Twenty-fifth  fly.  G  and  H  Companies 
were  the  first  to  reach  the  summit  and  to  make  the  Spaniards 
fly  into  the  city  of  El  Caney,  which  lay  just  behind  the  hill. 
When  we  reached  the  summit  others  soon  began  to  mount  our 
ladder.    We  fired  down  into  the  city  until  nearly  dusk." 

The  brigade  made  its  advance  under  fire  almost  from  the 
beginning.  The  commander  says  it  was  continuously  under 
fire  from  12.30  to  4.30  p.  m.  "The  attack  was  begun  by  two 
companies  in  each  regiment  on  the  firing  line,  strengthened  by 
supports  and  reserves  from  the  remaining  companies  until  the 
brigade  had  but  two  companies  in  reserve.  At  one  time  in  this 
hotly  engaged  contest  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Twenty- 
Fifth  Infantry  sent  me  word  that  he  needed  troops  on  his  right. 
I  then  sent  forward  40  Cubans,  under  command  of  Captains 
Jose'  Varges  and  Avelens  Bravo,  with  Lieutenants  Nicholas 
Franco  and  Tomas  Repelao,  to  form  on  the  right  of  the 
Twenty-fifth,  which  was  also  the  right  of  the  brigade.  With 
these  Cubans  I  ordered  Private  Henry  Downey,  Company  H, 
First  Infantry,  on  duty  as  interpreter  at  the  headquarters. 
These  men  advanced  on  the  stone  fort  with  our  line,  fig;hting 
gallantly,  during  which  Lieutenant  Nicholas  Franco  was  mor- 
tally wounded  and  died  soon  afterwards."  (Col.  Miles'  re- 
port.) 

From  the  soldier's  story,  as  well  as  from  the  official  report 
of  the  brigade  commander,  it  is  conclusive  that  the  real  objec- 
tive of  the  Second  Brigade  was  the  stone  fort,  and  that  the 
Twenty-fifth  Infantr)^,  which  occupied  the  right  of  the  line, 
had  no  other  objective  whatever.*  It  also  appears  that  Bates' 
brigade,  although  somewhere  on  the  right,  was  not  so  near 


l66  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

but  that  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Twenty-fifth  could 
see  the  need  of  troops  at  his  right ;  and  to  meet  this  need  the 
brigade  commander  "sent  forward  40  Cubans,  who  advanced 
on  the  stone  fort  with  our  lines."  The  fire  from  this  fort  con- 
tinued severe  during  the  whole  of  the  advance,  and  until  the 
last  halt  made  by  the  Twenty-fifth.  At  the  first  fence  met  by 
the  Twenty-fifth  Lieutenant  McCorkle  was  killed;  and,  to  use 
the  words  of  a  soldier,  "as  the  regiment  swept  toward  the 
Spanish  stronghold"  to  reach  the  slope  of  a  little  mound  for 
cover,  many  more  fell.  Behind  this  little  mound,  after  rest- 
ing about  five  minutes,  they  began  their  last  fire  upon  the 
enemy.  This  must  have  been  as  late  as  3  o'clock,  and  perhaps 
considerably  later,  and  the  fire  from  the  stone  fort  was  vigor- 
ous up  until  their  last  halt,  as  their  casualties  prove.  The  bai- 
tery  had  begun  to  fire  on  the  fort  again  at  12.30  and  contin- 
ued from  the  same  position  until  2.10,  the  range  being  as  has 
been  already  stated,  2,400  yards.  Hence  the  artillery  firing 
at  long  range  had  ceased,  and  it  is  generally  conceded  that  this 
long  range  firing  had  been  ineffective.  Captain  Capron  says 
he  moved  his  battery  at  2.10  p.  m.  to  1,000  yards  from  Caney 
and  opened  fire  on  two  blockhouses.  He  does  not  say  at  what 
hour  he  opened  fire  on  these  two  blockhouses,  or  how  long  he 
continued  to  fire,  or  what  was  the  effect  of  his  fire  upon  the 
two  block  houses.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bisbee,  who  was  acting 
as  support  of  Capron's  battery,  says  of  himself  that  he  "moved 
with  the  battery  at  3.30  p.  m.  by  the  Dubroix  (Dacureaux) 
road."  General  Lawton  says  the  battery  was  moved  to  a  new 
position  about  2.30,  "about  1,000  yards  from  certain  block- 
houses in  the  town,  where  a  few  shots,  all  taking  effect,  were 
fired."  From  these  reports  it  would  appear  that  after  moving 
to  the  second  station  the  battery  fired  upon  two  blockhouses 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  l6'f 

in  the  town,  and  not  upon  the  stone  fort.  General  Ludlow, 
speaking  of  the  battle,  says :  "In  the  present  case,  the  artil- 
lery fire  was  too  distant  to  reduce  the  blockhouses  or  destroy 
the  entrenchments,  so  that  the  attack  was  practically  by  in- 
fantry alone."  On  the  other  hand.  General  Chaffee  says :  "The 
resistance  at  this  point,"  meaning  the  stone  fort  at  the  time 
of  assault,  "had  been  greatly  affected  by  the  fire  of  Capron's 
battery."  Colonel  Comba,  of  the  Twelfth  Infantry,  says: 
"The  artillery  made  the  breach  through  which  our  men  entered 
the  stone  work."  Bonsai  says  that  Captain  Capron,  "under  the 
concentrated  fire  of  his  four  guns  at  a  point  blank  range  of  a 
thousand  yards,  had  converted  the  fort  into  a  shapeless  ruin," 
when  the  infantry  charged  it. 

It  is  probable  that  in  this  case,  as  in  most  cases  of  similar 
nature,  the  truth  divides  equally  between  the  apparently  op- 
posing views.  Of  General  Ludlow,  who  is  the  authority  for 
this  statement,  that  the  stone  fort  at  El  Caney  was  taken  by 
infantry  alone.  General  Lawton  says :  "General  Ludlow's  pro- 
fessional accomplishments  are  well  known  and  his  assignment 
to  command  a  brigade  in  my  division  I  consider  a  high  compli- 
ment to  myself."  "The  fighting  was  all  done  with  small  arms" 
were  the  words  written  me  by  an  infantryman  soon  after  the 
battle.  The  question,  whether  Capron  fired  upon  the  stone  fort 
after  taking  his  new  position,  or  fired  on  two  blockhouses, 
entirely  distinct  from  the  fort,  remains  undetermined.  The 
author  of  this  work  inclines  to  the  conclusion  that  the  fire  of 
Capron  after  moving  to  his  new  position  was  directed  for  a 
brief  period,  at  least,  upon  the  stone  fort. 

Inasmuch  as  we  are  now  to  trace  the  career  of  the  Twenty- 
fifth  Infantry  through  an  unfortunate  dispute,  on  both  sides 


l6S  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

of  which  are  officers  of  high  rank  and  unimpeachable  honor, 
it  is  important  to  note,  first,  to  what  extent  the  several  state- 
ments, both  unofficial  and  official,  can  be  harmonized  and  made 
to  corroborate  one  another.  ]\Iajor  Baker  says :  "Those  of 
Bates'  brigade  and  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  after  having  car- 
ried the  stone  fort,"  which  he  explains  was  some  75  feet  higher 
than  the  town,  then  fired  down  into  the  village.  The  soldier 
who  acted  as  left-guide  of  Company  G,  Twenty-fifth  Infantry, 
says,  after  getting  up  on  the  hill,  "we  fired  dozvn  into  the  city 
until  near  dusk."  The  experience  of  the  soldier  agrees  exactly 
with  the  report  of  the  officer.  The  fact  that  the  Twenty-fifth 
went  up  the  hill  cannot  be  questioned,  and  that  up  to  their  last 
halt,  they  went  under  fire,  no  one  will  deny.  Bonsai,  in  speak- 
ing of  Chaffee's  brigade,  which  was  "more  immediately 
charged  with  the  reduction  of  Caney"  (Ludlow's  report),  says : 
"And  it  was  nearly  five  o'clock  when  his  most  advanced  regi- 
ment, the  gallant  Twelfth  Infantry,  deployed  into  the  valley 
and  charged  up  the  steep  hillside,  which  was  lined  with  Span- 
ish trenches,  rising  in  irregular  tiers  and  crowned  with  a  great 
stone  fort."  The  stone  fort  at  this  time,  however,  was,  as  he 
says,  "a  shapeless  ruin."  Where  was  the  Twenty-fifth  In- 
fantry at  this  time?  Mr.  Bonsai  continues:  "Almost  at  the 
same  moment  the  Twenty-fifth  Colored  Infantry,  the  leading 
regiment  of  Miles'  brigade,  which  had  been  advancing  in  the 
centre,  started  up  the  hill  also."  General  Lawton  says  that 
after  .noving  the  battery  to  its  new  position,  1,000  yards  from 
certain  blockhouses  in  the  town,  Capron  fired  a  few  shots,  all 
of  which  took  effect,  and  he  adds :  "This  firing  terminated 
the  action,  as  the  Spanish  garrison  were  attempting  to  escape." 
Colonel  Comba  says  there  was  a  breach  in  the  stonework  large 
enough  for  his  men  to  enter,  and  that  this  had  been  made  by 


THE    BATTLE    OK    EL   CANEY  I 69 

the  artillery;  General  Chaffee  says  resistance  had  been  greatly 
affected  by  the  artillery,  and  Bonsai  adds,  the  garrison  resisted 
the  last  advance  made  by  the  infantry  but  for  a  moment. 

General  Chaffee  declares :  "The  troops  arriving  at  the  fort 
were  there  in  the  following  order :  Twelfth  Infantry,  which 
took  the  place;  the  command  of  General  Bates  some  moments 
later;  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry." 

The  facts  therefore  stand,  that  the  Twenty-fifth  In- 
fantry was  on  the  ground  with  the  first  troops  that  reached 
the  fort  and  that  there  was  a  captain  of  that  regiment  who  then 
and  there  claimed  the  capture  of  the  place,  even  against  the 
claims  of  a  Major-General.  He  was  told  that  his  proposition 
was  absurd,  and  so  it  may  have  been  from  one  standpoint ;  and 
yet  there  may  be  a  ground  upon  which  the  captain's  claim  was 
fair  and  just. 

That  the  Twelfth  Infantry  arrived  on  the  ground  first  is  not 
disputed ;  but  it  is  questioned  whether  the  fort  was  belligerent 
at  that  time.  General  Chaffee  says  the  resistance  had  been 
greatly  reduced  by  the  artillery;  General  Lawton  says  the  ac- 
tion had  been  finished  by  Capron's  shots  and  the  garrison  was 
trying  to  escape ;  a  soldier  from  the  Twenty-fifth  says  the  Span- 
iards flew  out  of  the  fort  to  the  town ;  Bonsai  says,  they  stoutly 
resisted  "for  a  moment  and  then  fled  precipitately  down  the 
ravine  and  up  the  other  side,  and  into  the  town."  If  first  oc- 
cupancy is  the  only  ground  upon  which  the  capture  of  a  place 
can  be  claimed,  then  the  title  to  the  honor  of  capturing  the 
stone  fort  lies,  according  to  official  report  as  so  far  presented, 
with  the  Twelfth  Infantry.  But  even  upon  this  ground  it  will 
be  shown  that  the  Twenty-fifth's  action  will  relieve  the  claim 
of  its  captain  from  absurdity.  We  are  now  prepared  to  read 
the  ofiicial  report  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Twenty- 


iyo  IfHE    BATTLE   OF    EL    CANEV 

fifth  Regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Daggett,  who  was  with  the 
regiment  all  through  the  fight,  and  who  bore  himself  so  well 
that  the  division  commander  said :  "Lieutenant-Colonel  Dag- 
gett deserves  special  mention  for  skillful  handling  of  his  regi- 
ment, and  would  have  received  it  before  had  the  fact  been  re- 
ported by  his  brigade  commander." 

July  5,  JS98. 
Intrenchments  Twenty-fifth  United  States  Infantry, 
Adjutant-General,    Second    Brigade,    Second    Division,   Fifth 
Corps. 

Sir : — I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  the 
part  taken  by  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  in  the  battle  of  the  ist 
instant.  The  regiment  formed  firing  line  on  the  right  of  the 
Fourth  Infantry,  facing  a  Spanish  fort  or  blockhouse  about  half 
a  mile  distant.  On  moving  forward,  the  battalion,  composed  of 
Companies  C,  D,  E,  G  and  H,  and  commanded  by  Capt.  W.  S. 
Scott,  received  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  after  advancing  about 
400  yards  was  subjected  to  a  galling  fire  on  their  left.  Finding 
cover,  the  battalion  prepared  for  an  advance  up  the  hill  to  the 
fort.  This  advance  was  made  rapidly  and  conducted  with  great 
skill  by  company  officers. 

"On  arriving  within  a  short  distance  of  the  fort  the  white 
flag  was  waved  to  our  companies,  but  a  cross  fire  prevented  the 
enemy  from  advancing  with  it  or  our  officers  from  receiving  it. 
About  twenty  minutes  later  a  battalion  of  some  other  regiment 
advanced  to  the  rear  of  the  fort,  completely  covered  from  fire, 
and  received  the  flag;  but  the  men  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infan- 
try entered  the  fort  at  the  same  time.  All  officers  and  men  be- 
haved gallantly.  One  officer  was  killed  and  three  wounded; 
eight  men  were  killed  and  -twenty  wounded. 

''About  200  men  and  ten  officers  were  in  the  firing  line.  I 
attribute  the  comparatively  small  losses  to  the  skill  and  bravery 
of  the  company  officers  ,viz. :  First  Lieutenant  Caldwell  and 
Second  Lieutenants  Moss  and  Hunt.  Second  Lieutenant 
French,  adjutant  of  the  battalion,  was  among  those  who  gal- 
lantly entered  the  fort. 

"The  battle  lasted  about  two  hours  and  was  a  hotly  contested 
combat.  Very  respectfully. 

"A.  S.  DAGGETT, 

"Lieutenant-Colonel,  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  Commanding." 


THE    BATTLE    OV    EL    CANEY  I^i 

Here  it  is  shown  by  the  testimony  of  the  regimental  com- 
mander, that  a  battahon  of  the  Twenty-fifth  ascended  the  hill 
and  arrived  at  a  short  distance  from  the  fort  about  twenty 
minutes  before  any  other  troops  are  mentioned  as  coming  in 
sight ;  and  that  a  white  flag  was  waved  to  the  companies  of  the 
Twenty-fifth.  It  was  doubtless  upon  this  ground  that  a  cap- 
tain of  the  Twenty-fifth  had  the  temerity  to  claim  the  capture 
of  the  place,  even  from  a  Major-General.  I  do  not  know  who 
the  captain  was,  but  it  is  evident  that  he  had  what  he  believed 
ample  grounds  for  his  claim.  Colonel  Daggett  says,  also, 
that  when  the  men  of  the  other  regiment  advanced  to  this  fort 
after  it  had  waved  the  white  flag  to  the  companies  of  the 
Twenty-fifth,  the  men  of  the  Twenty-fifth  advanced  and  en- 
tered the  fort  at  the  same  time.  Bonsai  says :  "Almost  at  the 
same  moment  that  the  Twelfth  started  up  the  hill  the  Twenty- 
fifth  started  up  the  hill  also ;"  while  according  to  Colonel  Dag- 
gett's testimony  the  Twenty-fifth  was  well  up  the  hill  already 
and  the  fort  had  waved  to  it  the  white  flag. 

Colonel  Daggett  makes  this  further  report : 

Headquarters  Twenty-fifth   Infantry, 
Near  Santiago,  Cuba,  July  i6,  1898. 
The  Adjutant-General,  Second  Division,  Fifth  Corps,  near  San- 
tiago, Cuba. 

Sir : — Feeling  that  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  has  not  received 
credit  for  the  part  it  took  in  the  battle  of  El  Caney  on  the  first 
mstant,  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  facts : 

I  was  ordered  by  the  brigade  commander  to  put  two  compa- 
nies (H,  Lieutenant  Caldwell,  and  G,  Lieutenant  McCorkle)  on 
the  firing  line  in  extended  order.  The  right  being  uncovered 
and  exposed  to  the  enemy,  I  ordered  D  Company  (Captain  Ed- 
wards) to  deploy  as  flankers.  The  battalion  was  commanded  by 
Capt.  W.  S.  Scott.  The  battalion  advanced  about  300  yards 
under  fire,  the  Fourth  Infantry  on  its  left,  where  the  line  found 
cover,  halted,  and  opened  fire  on  the  blockhouse  and  intrench- 


172  THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY 

merits  in  front  of  it.  After  the  line  had  been  steadied  and  had 
delivered  an  effective  fire,  I  ordered  a  further  advance,  which 
was  promptly  made.  As  the  Fourth  Infantry  did  not  advance, 
my  left  was  exposed  to  a  very  severe  fire  from  the  village  on  the 
left.  I  immediately  ordered  Company  C  (Lieutenant  Murdock), 
which  was  in  support,  to  the  front,  and  E.  Company  (Lieutenant 
Kinnison)  from  regimental  reserve  to  take  its  place.  Thus 
strengthened,  the  four  companies  moved  up  the  hill  rapidly, 
being  skilfully  handled  by  company  offtcers.  On  arriving  near 
the  fort  the  white  flag  was  waved  toward  our  men,  but  the  fire 
from  the  village  on  our  left  was  so  severe  that  neither  our  offi- 
cers nor  Spanish  could  pass  over  the  intervening  ground.  After 
about  twenty  minutes  some  of  the  Twelfth  Infantry  arrived  in 
rear  of  the  fort,  completely  sheltered  from  the  fire  from  the  vil- 
lage, and  received  the  white  flag;  but  Privates  J.  H.  Jones, 
of  Company  D,  and  T.  C.  Butler,  H.  Company,  Twenty-fifth  In- 
fantry, entered  the  fort  at  the  same  time  and  took  possession 
of  the  Spanish  flag.  They  were  ordered  to  give  it  up  by  an  offi- 
cer of  the  Twelfth  United  States  Infantry,  but  before  doing  so 
they  each  tore  a  piece  from  it,  which  they  now  have.  So  much 
for  the  facts. 

I  attribute  the  success  attained  by  our  line  largely  to  the  brav- 
ery and  skill  of  the  company  officers  who  conducted  the  line  to 
the  fort.  These  officers  are :  First  Lieutenants  V.  A.  Caldwell 
and  J.  A.  Moss,  and  Second  Lieutenant  J.  E.  Hunt.  It  is  my 
opinion  that  the  two  companies  first  deployed  could  not  have 
reached  the  fort  alone,  and  that  it  was  the  two  companies  I  or- 
dered to  their  support  that  gave  them  the  power  to  reach  it.  I 
further  believe  that  had  we  failed  to  move  beyond  the  Fourth 
Infantry  the  fort  would  not  have  been  taken  that  night. 

The  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  lost  one  officer  killed*  and  three 
wounded,  and  seven  men  killed  and  twenty-eight  wounded. 

Second  Lieutenant  H.  W.  French,  adjutant  of  Captain  Scott's 
battalion,  arrived  at  the  fort  near  the  same  time  as  the  other 
officers. 

I  request  that  this  report  be  forwarded  to  corps  headquarters. 
Very  respectfully, 

A.  S.  DAGGETT, 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  Commanding, 

*First  Lieutenant  McCorkle  killed;  Captain  Edwards  and  First  Lieu- 
tenants Kinnison  and  Murdock  wounded. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  I73 

General  Chaffee's  statement  is  not  to  be  questioned  for  a 
moment.  There  is  not  the  least  doubt  that  the  troops,  as  or- 
ganizations arrived  at  the  fort  in  the  order  he  describes.  Gen- 
eral Lawton  says :  "General  Chaffee's  brigade  was  especially 
charged  with  the  duty  of  assaulting  the  stone  fort,  and  suc- 
cessfully executed  that  duty,  after  which  a  portion  of  the 
Twenty-fifth,  and  a  portion  of  Bates'  brigade,  assisted  in  the 
work,  all  of  which  is  commendable."  He  says  also,  that  the 
"Twenty-fifth  Infantry  did  excellent  service,  as  reported, 
though  not  better  than  the  others  engaged.'  This  seems  to 
confirm  Lieutenant-Colonel  Daggett's  report,  for  he  says  he 
is  sure  the  regiment  did  excellent  work,  "as  reported ;"  and  at 
that  time  he  is  commenting  on  Lieutenant-Colonel  Daggett's 
report,  the  report  printed  above.  The  broad  statements  of 
General  Lawton  do  not  touch  the  exact  question  at  issue  be- 
tween the  reports  of  the  subordinate  commanders ;  nor  do  they 
throw  any  light  on  the  circumstances  of  the  final  charge. 
Miles'  brigade  had  been  advancing  on  the  stone  fort  for  some 
hours,  and  the  Twenty-fifth  was  so  near  when  the  charge  of 
the  Twelfth  was  made  that  portions  of  it  were  on  the  hill  and 
near  the  fort  at  the  same  time.  The  commander  of  the  Third 
Brigade  saw  the  fight  from  one  side  and  reported  events  as  he 
learned  them.  His  official  statement  requires  no  support. 
The  commanding  officer  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  saw  the 
fight  from  another  standpoint,  and  his  official  reports  are  en- 
titled to  equal  respect.  Both  the  General's  and  the  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel's must  be  accepted  as  recitals  of  facts,  made  with 
all  the  accuracy  that  high  personal  integrity  armed  with  thor- 
ough military  training  can  command.  Happily  the  statements, 
which  at  first  appear  so  widely  at  variance,  are  entirely  recon- 
cilable.    The    following   supplementary   report   of   the   regi- 


174  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

mental  commander,  when  taken  in  connection  with  the  final 
complimentary  orders  published  in  the  regiment  before  leav- 
ing Cuba,  will  place  the  whole  subject  before  the  reader  and 
put  the  question  at  rest,  and  at  the  same  time  leave  undis- 
turbed all  the  reports  of  superior  officers. 

Headquarters  Twenty-fifth  Infantry, 
Montauk  Point,  Long  Island,  August  22,   1898. 
The  Adjutant-General,  U.  S.  Army,  Washington,  D.C. 

Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  submit  a  supplementary  report  to 
the  original  one  made  on  the  19th  (i6th)  of  July,  1898,  of  the 
battle  of  El  Caney  de  Cuba,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  part  taken 
therein  by  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry : 

1.  I  stated  in  the  original  report  that  the  Twenty-fifth  Infan- 
try, in  advancing,  broke  away  from  and  left  the  Fourth  Infantry 
behind.  This  may  inferentially  reflect  on  the  latter  regiment. 
It  was  not  so  intended,  and  a  subsequent  visit  to  the  battle-field 
convinces  me  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  the  regi- 
ment to  advance  to  the  fort,  and,  although  it  might  have  ad- 
vanced a  short  distance  farther,  it  would  have  resulted  in  a  use- 
less slaughter,  and  that  the  battalion  commander  exercised  ex- 
cellent judgment  in  remaining  where  he  did  and  by  his  fire  aid- 
ing the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  in  its  advance. 

2.  Colonel  Miles,  the  then  brigade  commander,  informed  me 
that  his  first  report  of  the  battle  would  be  brief  and  that  a  later 
and  full  report  would  be  made.  In  his  former  report  I  think 
he  failed  to  give  credit  to  myself  and  regiment.  As  he  was  soon 
after  reheved  of  the  command  of  the  brigade  I  assume  that 
no  further  report  will  be  made. 

I  have  reported  what  the  regiment  did,  but  said  nothing  about 
my  own  action.  I  must,  therefore,  report  it  myself  or  let  it  go 
unrecorded.  Distasteful  as  it  is  to  me,  I  deem  it  duty  to  my 
children  to  state  the  facts  and  my  claims  based  thereon,  as  fol- 
lows : 

I.  I  was  ordered  to  put  two  companies  in  the  firing  line. 
Before  this  line  advanced  the  brigade  commander  informed  me, 
and  personal  examination  verified,  that  my  right  was  in  the  air 
and  exposed.  On  my  own  judgment  I  ordered  a  company,  as 
flankers,  to  that  part  of  the  line. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  175 

2.  As  soon  as  the  line  had  rested  and  become  steadied  at  its 
first  halt  I  ordered  it  to  advance,  and  it  continued  to  advance, 
although  it  broke  away  from  the  rest  of  the  brigade. 

3.  As  this  exposed  the  left  to  a  galling  and  dangerous  fire,  I 
ordered,  on  my  own  judgment,  a  company  to  re-enforce  that 
part  of  the  line  and  a  company  from  the  regimental  reserve  also 
to  the  fighting  line. 

These  are  the  facts,  and  as  my  orders  were  to  keep  my  left 
joined  to  the  right  of  the  Fourth  Infantry,  and  received  no  fur- 
ther orders,  my  claims  are  as  follows : 

1.  That  it  was  necessary  to  place  a  company  on  the  right  as 
flankers. 

2.  That  the  conditions  offered  an  opportunity  to  advance  af- 
ter the  first  halt,  and  I  took  advantage  of  it. 

3.  That  the  left  being  exposed  by  this  advance  of  the  line 
beyond  the  rest  of  the  brigade,  it  was  proper  and  necessary  to 
re-enforce  it  by  two  companies. 

4.  That  the  two  companies  first  deployed  could  not  have 
reached  the  stone  fort. 

5.  That  the  three  companies  added  to  the  firing  line  gave  it 
the  power  to  reach  the  fort. 

6.  That  the  advance  beyond  the  rest  of  the  brigade  was  a 
bold  and,  without  support,  dangerous  movement,  but  that  the 
result  justified  the  act.  Had  it  failed  T  would  have  been  held 
responsible. 

7.  That  I  saw  at  each  stage  of  the  battle  what  ought  to  be 
done,  and  did  it.  Results  show  that  it  was  done  at  the  right  mo- 
ment. 

8.  That  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  caused  the  surrender  of 
the  stone  fort. 

I   desire  to  repeat  that  it  is  with  great  reluctance  that  I 
make  so  much  of  this  report  as  relates  to  myself,  and  nothing 
but  a  sense  of  duty  would  impel  me  to  do  it. 
Very  respectfullv, 

A.  S.  DAGGETT, 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  Commanding. 


176  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

LOSSES  OF  THE  TWENTY-FIFTH  INFANTRY. 

Killed. — Lieutenant  H.  L,  McCorkle,  Company  G;  Private 
Albert  Strother,  H;  Private  John  W.  Steele,  D;  Corporal  Benj. 
Cousins,  H ;  Private  John  B.  Phelps,  D ;  Private  French  Payne, 
B ;  Private  Aaron  Leftwich,  G ;  Private  Tom  Howe,  D. 

Wounded. — Company  A:  Private  William  H,  Clarke,  Ser- 
geant Stephen  A.  Browne.  Company  B :  Private  Tom  Brown. 
Company  C:  Lieutenant  John  S.  Murdock,  Private  Joseph  L. 
Johnson,  Private  Samuel  W,  Harley,  Private  John  A.  Boyd. 
Company  D ;  Captain  Eaton  A.  Edwards,  Sergeant  Hayden 
Richards,  Private  Robert  Goodwin.  Company  E:  Lieutenant 
H.  L.  Kinnison,  Private  James  Howard,  Private  John  Saddler, 
Private  David  C.  Gillam,  Private  Hugh  Swann.  Com- 
pany F:  First  Sergeant  Frank  Coleman.  Company  G: 
Corporal  James  O.  Hunter,  Private  Henry  Brightwell,  Private 
David  Buckner,  Private  Alvin  Daniels,  Private  Boney  Douglas, 
Private  George  P.  Cooper,  Private  John  Thomas,  Corporal 
Gov.  Staton,  Private  Eugene  Jones.  Company  H:  Private 
James  Bevill,  Private  Henry  Gilbert. 

Wounded  July  2. — Private  Elwood  A.  Forman,  H ;  Private 
Smith,  D ;  Private  William  Lafayette,  F. 

COMPLIMENTARY  ORDER. 

Headquarters  25th  Infantry, 
Near  Santiago  de  Cuba,  August  11,  1898. 
General  Orders  No.  19. 

The  regimental  commander  congratulates  the  regiment  on 
the  prospect  of  its  speedy  return  to  the  United  States. 

Gathered  from  three  different  stations,  many  of  you  strangers 
to  each  other,  you  assembled  as  a  regiment  for  the  first  time  in 
more  than  twenty-eight  years  on  May  7,  1898,  at  Tampa,  Flor- 
ida, There  you  endeavored  to  solidify  and  prepare  yourselves, 
as  far  as  the  oppressive  weather  would  permit,  for  the  work  that 
appeared  to  be  before  you ;  but,  who  could  have  fortold  the 
severity  of  that  work? 

You  endured  the  severe  hardships  of  a  long  sea  voyage,  which 
no  one  who  has  not  experienced  it  can  appreciate.  You  then 
disembarked,  amidst  dangerous  surroundings ;  and  on  landing 
were  for  the  first  time  on  hostile  ground.  You  marched,  under 
a  tropical  sun,  carrying  blanket-roll,  three  days'  rations,  and  one 
hundred  rounds  of  ammunition,  through  rain  and  mud,  part  of 


THE    BATTLE   OF    EL    CANEY  177 

the  time  at  night,  sleeping  on  the  wet  ground  without  shelter, 
living  part  of  the  time  on  scant  rations,  even,  of  bacon,  hard 
bread  and  coffee,  until  on  July  i  you  arrived  at  El  Caney.  Here 
you  took  the  battle  formation  and  advanced  to  the  stone  fort, 
more  like  veterans  than  troops  who  had  never  been  under  fire. 
You  again  marched,  day  and  night,  halting  only  to  dig  four  lines 
of  intrenchments,  the  last  being  the  nearest  point  to  the  enemy 
reached  by  any  organization,  when,  still  holding  your  rifles, 
within  these  intrenchments,  notice  was  received  that  Santiago 
and  the  Spanish  army  had  surrendered. 

But  commendable  as  the  record  cited  may  be,  the  brightest 
hours  of  your  lives  were  on  the  afternoon  of  July  i.  Formed  in 
battle  array,  you  advanced  to  the  stone  fort  against  volleys  there- 
from, and  rifle-pits  in  front,  and  against  a  galHng  fire  from  block- 
houses, the  church  tower  and  the  village  on  your  left.  You  con- 
tinued to  advance,  skilfully  and  bravely  directed  by  the  officers 
in  immediate  command,  halting  and  delivering  such  a  cool  and 
well-directed  fire  that  the  enemy  was  compelled  to  wave  the 
white  flag  in  token  of  surrender. 

Seldom  have  troops  been  called  upon  to  face  a  severer  fire, 
and  never  have  they  acquitted  themselves  better. 

The  regimental  reserve  was  called  upon  to  try  its  nerve,  by 
lying  quiet  under  a  galling  fire,  without  the  privilege  of  return- 
ing it,  where  men  were  killed  and  wounded.  This  is  a  test  of 
nerve  which  the  firing  line  cannot  realize,  and  requires  the  high- 
est qualities  of  bravery  and  endurance. 

You  may  well  return  to  the  United  States  proud  of  your  ac- 
complishments ;  and  if  any  one  asks  you  what  you  have  done, 
point  him  to  El  Caney. 

But  in  the  midst  of  the  joy  of  going  home,  we  mourn  the  loss 
of  those  we  leave  behind.  The  genial,  generous-hearted  Mc- 
Corkle  fell  at  his  post  of  duty,  bravely  directing  his  men  in  the 
advance  on  the  stone  fort.  He  died  as  the  soldier  dies,  and  re- 
ceived a  soldier's  burial.  He  was  beloved  by  all  who  knew  him, 
and  his  name  will  always  be  fondly  remembered  by  his  regiment 
— especially  by  those  who  participated  in  the  Santiago  cam- 
paign. The  officers  of  the  regiment  will  wear  the  prescribed 
badge  of  mourning  for  Lieutenant  McCorkle  for  thirty  days. 
And  Corporal  Benjamin  Cousins,  Privates  Payne,  Lewis, 
Strother,  TaHaferro,  Phelps,  Howell,  Steel  and  Leftwitch,  sacri- 
ficed their  lives  on  their  country's  altar.     Being  of  a  race  which 


178  THE    BATTLE   OF    EL   CANEY 

only  thirty-five  years  ago  emerged  through  a  long  and  bloody 
war,  from  a  condition  of  servitude,  they  in  turn  engaged  in  a 
war  which  was  officially  announced  to  be  in  the  interest  -of  hu- 
manity and  gave  all  they  had — their  lives — that  the  oppressed 
might  be  free,  and  enjoy  the  blessings  of  liberty  guaranteed  by  a 
stable  government.  They  also  died  like  true  soldiers  and  received 
a  soldier's  burial. 

By  order  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Daggett. 

M.  D.  CRONIN, 
First  Lieutenant  and  Adjutant,  25th  Infantry. 

MAJOR  GENERAL  AARON  S.  DAGGETT. 

General  Aaron  S.  Daggett  is  a  native  of  Maine,  born  at 
Greene  Corner,  in  that  State,  June  14,  1837.  He  is  descended 
from  a  paternal  ancestry  which  can  be  traced,  with  an  honorable 
record,  as  far  back  as  iioo  A.  D.  His  mother  was  Dorcas  C, 
daughter  of  Simon  Dearborn,  a  collateral  descendant  of  General 
Henry  Dearborn.  His  more  immediate  ancestors  came  from 
Old  to  New  England  about  1630,  and  both  his  grandparents 
served  in  the  Continental  Army  during  the  Revolutionary  War. 
He  was  educated  in  his  native  town,  at  Monmouth  Academy, 
Maine  Wesleyan  Seminary  and  Bates  College.  At  the  outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War  he  enlisted  as  a  private,  April  27th,  1861,  in 
the  5th  Maine  Infantry;  was  appointed  second  lieutenant  May 
I,  and  promoted  first  lieutenant  May  24,  1861.  He  commanded 
his  company  at  the  first  Bull  Run  battle,  and  was  promoted 
captain  August  14,  1861. 

From  the  first  engagement  of  the  regiment  to  the  end  of  its 
three  years'  memorable  service,  Captain  Daggett  proved  a 
faithful  and  gallant  soldier.  He  was  promoted  major,  January 
8th,  1863;  on  January  i8th,  1865,  was  commissioned  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  the  5th  Regiment,  United  States  Veteran  Volunteers, 
Hancock  Corps,  and  was  brevetted  colonel  and  brigadier-gentral 
of  volunteers,  March  13,  1865,  for  "gallant  and  meritorious  ser- 
vices during  the  war."  He  also  received  the  brevets  of  major  in 
the  United  States  Army  for  "gallant  and  meritorious  services 
at  the  battle  of  Rappahannock  Station,  Va.,"  November  7,  1863, 
and  lieutenant-colonel  for  "gallant  and  meritorious  services  in 
the  battle  of  the  Wilderness,  Va."  Immediately  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Rappahannock  Station,  the  captured  trophies,  flags,  can- 
nons, etc.,  were  escorted,  by  those  who  had  been  most  conspip- 


Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  S.  Daggett. 


THE    BATTLE   OF    EL    CANEY  179 

uous  in  the  action,  to  General  Meade's  headquarters,  Colonel 
Daggett  being-  in  command  of  the  battalion  of  his  brigade. 
General  Upton  to  whom  he  owed  this  distinction,  wrote  of  him 
as  follows : 

"In  the  assault  at  Rappahannock  Station,  Colonel  Daggett's 
regiment  captured  over  five  hundred  prisoners.  In  the  assault 
at  Spottsylvania  Court  House,  May  lo,  his  regiment  lost  six 
out  of  seven  captains,  the  seventh  being  killed  on  the  12th  of 
May,  at  the  "angle,"  or  the  point  where  the  tree  was  shot  down 
by  musketry,  on  which  ground  the  regiment  fought  from  9.30 
A.  M.  to  5.30  P.  M.,  when  it  was  reheved.  On  all  these  occa- 
sions Colonel  Daggett  was  under  my  immediate  command,  and 
fought  with  distinguished  bravery. 

"Throughout  his  military  career  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
he  maintained  the  character  of  a  good  soldier  and  an  upright 
man,  and  his  promotion  would  be  commended  by  all  those  who 
desire  to  see  courage  rewarded." 

General  Upton  also  wrote  to  the  Governor  of  Maine  as  fol- 
lows : 

"I  would  respectfully  recommend  to  Your  Excellency,  Major 
A.  S.  Daggett,  formerly  5th  Maine  Volunteers,  as  an  officer 
highly  qualified  to  command  a  regiment.  Major  Daggett  served 
his  full  term  in  this  brigade  with  honor  both  to  himself  and 
State,  and  won  for  himself  the  reputation  of  being  a  brave,  reli- 
able and  efficient  officer.  His  promotion  to  a  colonelcy  would 
be  a  great  benefit  to  the  service,  while  the  honor  of  his  State 
could  scarcely  be  entrusted  to  safer  hands." 

He  was  subsequently  recommended  for  promotion  by  Gen- 
erals Meade,  Hancock,  Wright  and  D.  A.  Russell.  He  was  in 
every  battle  and  campaign  in  which  the  Sixth  Corps,  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  was  engaged,  from  the  first  Bull  Run  to  Peters- 
burg, and  was  twice  slightly  wounded.  On  July  28,  1866,  with- 
out his  knowledge  or  solicitation,  he  was  appointed  a  captain  in 
the  U.  S.  Regular  Army,  on  recommendation  of  General  Grant, 
and  has  since  been  promoted  colonel  in  this  service.  During 
his  subsequent  career  he  has  won  the  reputation  of  being  a  fine 
tactician  and  of  being  thoroughly  versed  in  military  law,  as  is 
indicated  by  Major  Hancock's  commendatory  words  in  1878: 

"I  look  upon  him  as  by  far  the  best  tactician  in  the  regiment, 
and  as  for  a  thorough,  clear  knowledge  of  tactics  his  superior 
is  not  in  the  army.  As  regards  military  and  civil  law,  I  kno\y 
of  no  one  so  well  informed." 


ISO  THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY 

His  ability  and  soldierly  qualities  have  also  been  highly  com- 
mended by  General  Crook,  Colonel  Hughes — Inspector-General 
in  1891 — and  Colonel ,  Inspector-General  in  1892, 

Not  only  as  a  soldier,  but  in  many  other  ways,  has  General 
Daggett  distinguished  himself.  As  a  pubHc  speaker  the  follow- 
ing was  said  of  him  by  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Cummings,  of  Boston : 

"It  w^as  my  privilege  and  pleasure  to  listen  to  an  address 
delivered  by  General  A.  S.  Daggett  on  Memorial  Day  of  1891. 
I  had  anticipated  something  able  and  instructive,  but  it  far  ex- 
ceeded my  fondest  expectations.  The  address  was  dignified,  yet 
affable,  delivered  in  choice  language  without  manuscript,  in- 
structive and  impressive,  and  highly  appreciated  by  an  intelli- 
gent audience." 

General  Daggett  is  noted  for  his  courteous  and  genial  man- 
ner, and  his  sterling  integrity  of  character.  He  is  a  member 
of  the  Presbyterian  church. 

War  Department,  Inspector-General's  Oflice, 

Washington,  Jan.  6th,  1899. 
To  the  Adjutant-General,  U.  S.  A.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Sir: — I  desire  to  recommend  to  your  favorable  consideration 
and  for  advancement  in  case  of  the  reorganization  of  the  Reg- 
ular Army,  Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  S.  Daggett,  25th  U.  S.  In- 
fantry. 

I  have  known  Colonel  Daggett  for  a  long  time ;  he  served  in 
the  War  of  the  Rebellion  with  the  5th  Maine  Volunteers  and 
acquitted  himself  with  much  honor;  he  served  in  Cuba  in  the 
war  with  Spain,  commanding  the  25th  U.  S.  Infantry,  and  was 
conspicuous  for  gallantry  at  the  battle  of  El  Caney.  He  is  an 
officer  of  the  highest  character,  intelligent,  courageous  and 
energetic. 

I  sincerely  trust  that  he  may  receive  all  the  consideration  he 
deserves.  Very  respectfully, 

"(Sd)  'H.  W.  LAWTON, 

Major-General,  U.  S.  V. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY  l8l 

A  true  copy: 

M.  D.  CRONIN, 

First  Lieutenant  and  Adjutant  25th  Infantry. 
Headquarters  Department  of  the  East, 

Governor's  Island,  New  York  City, 

December  29,  1898. 
Honorable  R.  A.  Alger,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Sir : — I  recommend  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the 
Secretary  of  War  for  promotion  to  Brigadier-General,  Colonel 
A,  S.  Daggett,  25th  Infantry.  This  officer  has  an  excellent  war 
record ;  his  service  has  been  faithful  since  then,  and  in  the  recent 
Spanish-American  war  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  good 
judgment  and  faithful  attention  to  duty,  as  well  as  for  gallant 
service  in  action.  An  appointment  of  this  character  will  be  very 
highly  appreciated  throughout  the  army  as  a  recognition  of 
faithful,  meritorious  and  gallant  service.  From  my  observation 
of  Colonel  Daggett  he  is  well  qualified  for  the  position. 
Very  respectfully, 

(Sd)  WM.  R.  SHAFTER, 

Major-General,  U.  S.  Volunteers. 
M.  D.  CRONIN, 

A  true  copy: 

First  Lieutenant  and  Adjutant  25th  Infantry, 
To  this  very  brilliant  official  record  it  is  necessary  to  add 
but  a  word  personal.  Colonel  Daggett  is  a  typical  New  Eng- 
lander;  tall,  well-formed,  nervous  and  sinewy,  a  centre  of 
energy,  making  himself  felt  wherever  he  may  be.  Precise  and 
forceful  of  speech,  correct  and  sincere  in  manners,  a  safe  coun- 
sellor and  a  loyal  friend,  his  character  approaches  the  ideal. 
Stern  and  commanding  as  an  officer  he  is  nevertheless  tender 
and  sym.pathetic.  His  very  sensitiveness  concerning  the  feel- 
ings of  others  embarrasses  him  in  giving  expression  to  his  own 
feelings  on  seeing  suffering,  unless  it  should  be  urgent,  but 
those  who  know  him  best  know  him  to  be  just,  humane  and 
tender.  No  man  could  have  taken  more  care  than  he  did  for 
his  regiment  in  Cuba.  Hating  oppression  and  wrong  with  a 
vehemency  suited  to  his  intense  nature,  he  nevertheless  de- 
plores war  and  bloodshed.  The  President  of  the  United 
States  never  did  a  more  worthy  act  than  when  he  gave    to 


l82  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

Lieutenant-Colonel  A.  S.  Daggett  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infan- 
try his  commission  as  Brigadier-General  of  Volunteers  in 
recognition  of  his  valor  and  skill  at  El  Caney  and  of  his  gen- 
eral efficiency  as  an  officer  in  our  army. 


TESTIMONIES  CONCERNING  THE  WORK  OF  THE 
TWENTY-FIFTH  INFANTRY  BEFORE  EL  CANEY. 

Headquarters  First  District,  Southern  Luzon, 

El  Deposit©,  P.  I.,  April  20,  1900. 

My  Dear  General  Daggett : — Some  time  ago  I  received  a  let- 
ter from  you  asking  me  to  make  an  official  statement  as  to 
where  and  at  what  objective  the  energies  and  fire  of  the  25th 
Infantry  were  directed  during  the  battle  of  El  Caney,  Cuba, 
July  I,' 1898. 

In  reply  I  have  the  honor  to  officially  state  that  about  noon 
July  I,  1898,  the  regiment  moved  from  the  mango  grove,  near 
the  Ducro  House,  toward  a  stone  fort  located  on  a  hill,  near  the 
town  of  El  Caney. 

It  arrived  at  about  one  of  the  afternoon  at  a  point  about 
eight  hundred  yards  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  fort ;  immedi- 
ately deployed,  and  the  First  Battalion,  under  command  of  Cap- 
tain Walter  S.  Scott,  and  of  which  I  was  adjutant,  designated 
as  the  attacking  fine.  Presently,  after  advancing  a  few  yards, 
we  were  subjected  to  a  galling  fire  from  the  stone  fort,  the 
trenches  in  its  front  and  from  a  blockhouse  on  its  right.  The 
line  steadily  moved  forward,  directing  its  fire  at  the  stone  fort 
and  the  trenches  surrounding  it.  When  within  about  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  yards  from  the  fort  the  line  was  halted,  and  sev- 
eral sharpshooters,  directed  by  their  company  officers  to  fire 
at  the  loopholes.  Finally,  when  the  men  had  regained  their 
wind,  a  rush  was  made,  part  of  the  line  going  through  a  corn- 
field. At  the  foot  the  line  was  again  halted,  and  after  a  few  mo- 
ments' rest  charged  up  the  hill,  and  the  fort  surrendered. 

I  went  to  the  fort  and  found  a  Spanish  lieutenant  and  seven 
enlisted  men  whom  I  passed  out  and  were  taken  charge  of  by 
an  officer  of  the  12th  Infantry.    This  was  about  3.50  P,  M. 

Note. — Since  the  above  was  written,  General  Daggett  served  with  great 
distinction  in  the  Philippines  and  in  China,  and  was  retired  as  a  brigadier- 
general — a  hero  of  four  wars.  A  bill  is  now  before  Congress  to  make  him 
a  major-general,  an  honor  to  which  he  is  most  justly  entitled. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY  183 

As  soon  as  the  line  reached  the  top  of  the  hill  it  was  fired  on 
from  the  town,  which  had  before  been  masked  by  the  hill ;  the 
fire  was  of  course  returned,  and  this  was  the  first  fire  from  the 
battalion  directed  at  the  town.  About  five  o'clock  firing  had 
ceased,  the  battalion  was  assembled  and  marched  away. 

(Sd)  H.  W.  FRENCH, 

First  Lieutenant,   17th  Infantry  (late  Second  Lieutenant  25th 
Infantry. 

A  true  copy: 

H.  G.  LEARNARD, 

Capt.  and  Adj.  14th  Infantry. 

Manila,  P.  I.,  March  30,  1900. 
I  certify  that  in  the  action  of  El  Caney,  Cuba,  July  i,  1898, 
the  company  I  commanded,  i.  e.,  H,  25th  Infantry,  directed  its 
fire  almost  exclusively  on  the  stone  fort  and  the  trench  a  few 
yards  from  its  base.  That  very  little  of  this  company's  fire  was 
directed  on  the  town  and  none  before  the  fort  was  carried. 

(Sd)  VERNON  A.  CALDWELL, 

First  Lieutenant,  25th  Infantry. 

A  true  copy: 

H.  G.  LEAR^'ARD, 

Capt.  and  Adj.  14th  Infantry, 

Tayug,  Luzon,  Philippine  Islands, 

April   17th,  1900. 
To  Those  in  Military  Authority. 

Regarding  the  battle  of  El  Caney,  Cuba,  July  i,  1898,  I 
hereby  certify: 

1.  From  about  1.20  o'clock  P.  M.  to  the  time  of  the  capture 
of  the  town  of  El  Caney,  I  was  in  command  of  two  companies 
— C  and  G — forming  part  of  the  25th  U.  S.  Infantry  firing  line. 

2.  From  about  2.55  o'clock  P.  M.  to  the  time  of  the  capture 
of  the  town,  very  nearly  the  entire  25th  Infantry  firing  line 
was  under  my  observation. 

3.  From  about  2.55  o'clock  P.  M.  to  about  3.20,  the  time  of 
the  surrender  of  the  stone  fort  to  the  east  of  the  town,  the  fire 
of  the  entire  25th  Infantry  firing  line  within  my  sight  was 
directed  against  the  fort. 

4.  During  this  period  of  the  battle  the  25th  Infantry  firing 
line  was  about  150  yards  from  the  stone  fort. 

5.  From  the  time  the  firing    line    began    firing — about  I 


l84  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

o'clock  P.  M. — to  the  time  of  the  surrender  of  the  stone  fort — 
about  3.20  P.  M. — the  companies  under  my  command  and  all 
others  under  my  observation  concentrated  their  fire  on  the  fort. 

6.  About  3.20  P.  M.,  I  was  standing  about  150  yards  from 
the  stone  fort,  and  I  plainly  and  distinctly  saw  a  Spaniard  ap- 
pear in  the  door  of  the  fort,  and,  for  two  or  three  seconds,  wave 
a  white  flag  at  the  25th  Infantry  firing  line,  and  upon  being  shot 
down,  another  Spaniard  picked  up  the  flag  and  likewise  waved 
it  at  the  25th  Infantry  firing  line. 

7.  After  the  white  flag  had  twice  been  presented  to  the  25tTi 
Infantry  firing  line,  and  after  all  fire  from  the  stone  fort  had 
ceased,  the  firing  line  rushed  forward,  took  up  a  position  facing 
to  their  left — that  is,  facing  the  town — and  began  a  vigorous  fire 
on  a  small  blockhouse  and  on  the  town. 

Respectfully,  JAMES  A.  MOSS, 

First  Lieutenant,  24th  U.  S.  Infantry. 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  SAx^TIAGO  CAMPAIGN,  BY 

CAPTAIN  R.  H.  R.  LOUGHBOROUGH,  25TH  U. 

S.   INFANTRY. 

The  25th  U.  S.  Infantry  left  its  stations  in  Montana  on  the 
loth  of  April,  1898;  six  companies  (B,  C,  D,  E,  F  and  H)  went 
in  camp  at  Chickamauga  National  Park;  the  other  two  com- 
panies (A  and  G)  went  to  Key  West,  Fla. 

On  May  6th  the  six  companies  at  the  Chickamauga  National 
Park  moved  by  rail  to  Tampa,  Fla.,  arriving  the  night  of  the 
7th,  where  they  were  joined  by  the  two  companies  from  Key 
West.  With  the  exception  of  three  days  in  1870,  the  regiment 
had  never  been  together  since  its  organization  in  1869.  It  neces- 
sarily followed  that  many  of  the  officers,  as  well  as  men,  were 
strangers  to  each  other. 

Our  camp  at  Tampa  was  fair;  the  ground  is  sandy  and  fiat, 
but  as  the  rainy  season  had  not  set  in,  it  was  dry  and  the  health 
was  good.  Drills  and  parades  were  held  daily  (Sundays  ex- 
cepted), but  on  account  of  the  intense  heat  the  hours  for  it 
were  limited  to  the  early  mornings  and  after  sunset.  The 
clothing  of  the  men  was  the  same  they  had  worn  in  Montana, 
and  did  not  add  to  their  comfort.  Supplies  of  all  kinds  (except 
rations)  came  by  piecemeal,  and  we  finally  sailed  for  the  tropics 
with  the  same  clothing  used  in  the  Northwest, 

At  6  o'clock  P.  M.  June  6th  the  regiment  received  orders  to 


THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY  I 85 

strike  tents  and  be  ready  to  move  within  an  hour ;  the  order  was 
immediately  complied  with,  though  the  necessary  transportation 
to  move  the  baggage  did  not  report  until  the  forenoon  of  the 
following  day ;  it  was  not  far  from  noon  when  the  last  of  it  left 
the  camp  for  the  railroad  station,  en  route  to  Port  Tampa, 
where  we  were  to  embark  on  transports  for  the  seat  of  war. 

As  soon  as  the  camp  equipage  was  started,  the  regiment  was 
formed  and  marched  to  West  Tampa  (about  three  miles),  where 
we  took  a  train  for  Port  Tampa,  distant  nine  miles.  On  arrival, 
the  regiment  boarded  the  steamer  "Concho,"  one  of  the  vessels 
to  carry  the  expedition  to  its  destination.  The  4th  U.  S.  In- 
fantry had  preceded  us,  and  the  next  day  a  battalion  of  the  2d 
Massachusetts  Volunteers  was  put  on,  but  owing  to  the  crowded 
condition  of  the  ship,  a  few  days  later  they  were  transferred  to 
another  vessel. 

The  "Concho"  is  a  large  ship,  but  without  the  comforts  I 
have  seen  since  then  on  the  U.  S.  Army  transports  plying  be- 
tween San  Francisco  and  Manila.  The  ships  used  were  hastily 
fitted  up  for  the  occasion,  and  it  could  not  be  expected  that  they 
would  be  all  that  was  required,  but  some  of  the  appointments 
could  and  should  have  been  better.  After  a  tedious  wait  until 
June  14th,  we  sailed  down  Tampa  Bay  and  out  on  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  still  in  ignorance  of  our  destination.  The  evening  of 
the  15th  the  Hght  at  Dry  Tortugas  was  seen  to  our  right.  June 
i6th,  17th  and  i8th  our  course  was  a  little  south  of  east,  and 
part  of  the  time  the  north  coast  of  Cuba  was  visible.  The 
weather  (except  the  intense  heat)  was  fine.  On  Sunday  morn- 
ing, June  i8th,  we  entered  the  Windward  Passage,  and  it 
seemed  certain,  from  our  course,  that  Santiago  was  our  ob- 
jective. Early  the  next  morning  the  high  mountains  of  Santiago 
de  Cuba  were  in  plain  sight  to  our  north.  June  20th  and  21st, 
remained  off  the  coast ;  the  sea  was  rough  and  the  vessel  rolled 
considerably,  adding  to  the  discomfort  of  every  one,  especiafly 
those  subject  to  seasickness.  During  the  evening  of  the  21st, 
orders  were  received  to  be  ready  to  disembark  the  following 
morning.  About  8  A.  M.  on  the  22d  our  warships  began  shell- 
ing the  coast,  and  two  hours  later  the  troops  started  in  small 
boats  from  the  transports  to  the  shore.  By  evening  most  of  the 
Second  Division  and  part  of  the  Cavalry  Division  were  on 
Cuban  soil.  There  was  no  opposition  to  our  landing;  I  believe 
that  a  small  force  well  handled  could  have  made  it  very  diffi- 
cult, if,  indeed,  it  could  not  have  prevented  it. 


l86  THE    BATTLE    OF    EL    CANEY 

As  soon  as  the  regiment  had  landed  it  was  marched  out 
about  four  miles  and  bivouacked  for  the  night.  The  country  is 
rugged  and  covered  with  a  dense  tropical  vegetation.  A  few 
"Cuban  Patriots"  had  joined  us  and  formed  the  extreme  ad- 
vance, saving  us  some  disagreeable  outpost  duty.  This  was 
the  only  service  that  I  know  of  them  doing  throughout  the 
campaign,  though  they  were  always  on  hand  ration  day.  Later 
developments  showed  that  the  service  rendered  was  not  so  im- 
portant, as  any  Spanish  force  had  retired  to  a  safe  place,  some- 
thing our  friends  looked  out  for  whenever  there  was  any  danger. 

June  23d,  the  regiment  started  shortly  after  daylight  towards 
the  city  of  Santiago.  About  9  o'clock  there  was  a  report  that 
the  enemy  were  in  our  front.  The  regiment  was  immediately 
formed  for  battle,  and  reconnoitering  parties  sent  forward ; 
after  about  thirty  minutes'  delay  the  supposed  enemy  proved  to 
be  the  large  leaves  of  some  tropical  trees  being  moved  by  the 
wind,  giving  them  the  appearance  of  persons  in  motion.  Our 
route  was  over  a  narrow  trail,  through  a  dense  wilderness; 
water  was  scarce  and  the  heat  was  intense.  About  noon  we  ar- 
rived at  Siboney,  where  we  bivouacked  for  the  night.  Before 
daylight  next  morning  the  troops  in  our  rear  were  heard  passing 
on  the  trail  by  our  camp.  Shortly  after  daylight  Captain  Ca- 
pron's  battery  of  four  guns  passed,  and  the  men  lined  up  along 
the  road  and  cheered  lustily.  About  an  hour  later,  musketry  fire 
and  the  occasional  discharge  of  a  Hotchkiss  gun  could  be 
plainly  heard  towards  Santiago.  About  three-quarters  of  an 
hour  later  we  received  orders  to  march.  By  mistake,  the  wrong 
trail  was  taken,  and  after  marching  fourteen  hours  we  returned 
to  our  camp  of  the  previous  night,  all  fagged  out.  A  great  many 
men  of  the  brigade  were  overcome  with  heat  during  this  long, 
tiresome  and  fruitless  ramble.  I  cannot  say  how  many  of  these 
were  of  the  25th  Infantry,  but  in  my  own  company  (B)  there 
was  not  a  man  out  of  the  ranks  when  the  camp  was  reached. 
(I  have  called  the  above-mentioned  place  "Siboney."  There  is 
probably  some  other  name  for  it,  as  the  Cubans  have  one  for 
every  hamlet.  It  is  not  far  from  Siboney,  and  not  knowing  the 
name,  have  called  it  Siboney.) 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th  we  got  rations  from  the  transport 
and  all  enjoyed  a  hearty  breakfast.  At  i  P.  M.  we  broke  camp 
and  marched  to  Sevilla,  about  six  miles.  Here  we  remained 
until  the  morning  of  the  27th,  part  of  the  regiment  being  out  on 
picket   duty.     June   27th,   the   regiment    marched  three   miles 


the'^battle  ok  el  caney  187 

towards  Santiago  and  bivouacked  on  the  banks  of  a  small  creek. 
Bathing  was  forbidden,  as  the  creek  was  the  only,  water  supply 
for  the  army.  The  troops  remained  at  this  place  until  the  after- 
noon of  June  30th.  The  camp  was  in  the  valley  of  the  creek, 
the  ground  is  low  and  flat,  and  with  the  heavy  rainfall  every  one 
was  uncomfortable.  Rations  had  to  be  brought  from  Siboney 
over  a  trail  and  did  not  arrive  regularly. 

About  I  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  on  the  30th,  the  officers  of 
the  regiment  were  assembled  at  headquarters  and  were  notified 
that  there  would  be  an  attack  on  the  Spanish  position  the 
next  morning.  About  4  o'clock  the  regiment  started  for  its 
position,  arriving  after  10  o'clock,  having  covered  a  distance 
of  less  than  three  miles.  The  route  was  over  an  excuse  for  a 
road,  but  was  crowded  with  some  of  the  troops  of  almost  every 
organization  of  the  army,  causing  numberless  halts,  but  worse 
than  all,  breaking  the  much-needed  rest  of  the  troops.  On  one 
part  of  this  route  I  heard  men  asknig,  "What  regiment  is  this?" 
and  heard  various  responses,  as  follows :  "The  W.  W.  W.'s, 
the  1st  Cavalry,  the  4th  Infantry,  the  loth  Cavalry,"  etc.  Some 
one  asked,  "What  are  the  W.  W.  W.'s?"  and  some  one  replied 
"Wood's  Weary  W^alkers."  I  do  not  know  who  is  responsible 
for  that  condition  of  affairs.  Had  we  had  an  enterprising  enemy 
in  our  front,  disaster  certainly  would  have  followed.  Here  were 
a  number  of  organizations  scattered  along  a  narrow,,  muddy 
trail,  at  the  mercy  of  an  active  foe.  All  this  was  only  three  or 
four  miles  from  the  Spanish  works.  The  men  were  cheerful, 
and  few  if  any  realized  that  there  might  be  danger. 

Most  of  the  men  were  up  and  moving  about  before  daylight 
the  next  morning.  Shortly  after,  the  regiment  started  in  the  di- 
rection of  El  Caney.  At  9  A.  M.  we  halted  in  a  mango  grove 
near  the  Ducureau  mansion.  Shortly  before  noon  a  mounted 
orderly  appeared  with  a  message  for  the  brigade  commander. 
A  few  minutes  later  the  march  towards  El  Caney  was  taken  up. 
Heavy  musketry  fire  had  been  heard  in  that  direction  since 
shortly  before  7  o'clock.  A  march  of  little  more  than  a  mile 
and  the  regiment  w^as  formed  for  battle.  Companies  G  and  H 
in  the  firing  line,  C  and  D  in  support,  the  remaining  four  com- 
panes  in  reserve. 

For  two  hours  or  perhap?  more  the  firing  was  very  heavy, 
especially  during  the  second  hour.  Attention  is  called  to  report 
of  Colonel  A.  S.  Daggett,  pages  387  and  388,  "Report  of  the 
War  Department,  1898,  Vol.  I,"  and  endorsement  on  same  by 


l88  THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY 

Major-General  A.  R.  Chaffee.  He  says:  "This  stone  fort  was 
practically  in  the  possession  of  the  12th  Infantry  at  about  2 
P,  M.  July  I."  I  cannot  reconcile  this  statement  with  the  fact 
that  between  the  hours  named  some  of  the  heaviest  firing  was 
going  on,  which  does  not  indicate  that  its  defenders  were  ready 
to  give  up.  Lord  Wellington  once  said,  "At  the  end  of  every 
campaign  truth  lies  at  the  bottom  of  a  deep  well,  and  it  often 
takes  twenty  years  to  get  her  out."  This  may  not  be  an  excep- 
tion. About  half-past  4  o'clock  the  firing  ceased  and  El  Caney 
was  ours. 

The  dead  were  collected  near  a  hedge  and  the  regiment  was 
formed  in  column  of  masses  to  pay  a  silent  tribute  of  respect  to 
our  departed  comrades. 

The  regiment  then  started  for  the  mango  grove  where  we  had 
left  our  blanket  rolls  and  haversacks.  Just  as  we  were  starting, 
some  men  with  canteens  started  for  water  (about  a  mile  away), 
when  orders  were  received  to  be  ready  to  march  in  twenty  min- 
utes. A  few  rods  took  us  back  to  the  road  leading  to  Santiago. 
We  moved  down  the  road  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  and 
halted.  Two  hours  later,  the  pack  train  arrived  with  ammuni- 
tion and  then  another  with  rations.  Before  the  latter  were  is- 
sued orders  were  issued  to  move  at  once  to  the  rear.  The  regi- 
ment marched  over  the  trail  it  had  come  on  the  day  before,  ar- 
riving at  El  Poso  about  8  o'clock  A.  M.  Here  we  took  the  road 
leading  to  Santiago.  About  9  A.  M.  we  passed  tmder  San  Juan 
Htll  and  moved  to  our  right.  Our  forces  held  the  crest  of  the 
hill.  In  passing  along  the  hill  we  were  sheltered  from  the  fire 
except  a  short  space,  where  one  or  two  men  were  slightly 
wounded.  Arriving  at  the  La  Cruz  house  near  the  road  leading 
from  El  Caney  to  Santiago  about  3.  30  P.  M.  and  bivouacked  for 
the  night.  About  10  o'clock  the  troops  on  our  left  were  at- 
tacked by  the  Spanish.  The  firing  was  very  heavy  for  an  hour, 
when  it  suddenly  ceased,  and  we  retired  for  the  night.  During 
this  time  we  were  under  the  hill  and  protected  from  the  fire. 

Next  morning  (Sunday,  July  3d)  desultory  tiring  began  at  day- 
light. About  7  A.  M.  the  regiment  left  the  La  Cruz  house  and 
moved  across  the  Caney-Santiago  road  and  formed  line  to  the 
left  and  moved  forward  to  a  ridge  overlooking  the  city.  A 
number  of  shots  fell  about  us,  but  no  one  was  struck.  Shortly 
after,  we  were  in  possession  of  the  ridge  and  began  intrenching. 
The  firing  was  kept  up  and  two  men  were  wounded.  About 
noon  we  were  informed  that  a  truce  had  been  established  and 


THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY  189 

all  work  was  stopped.  This  gave  all  a  much-needed  rest,  though 
it  proved  to  be  of  short  duration,  caused  by  a  false  alarm  by 
Major  Webb,  the  inspector  of  the  division  staff. 

During  the  afternoon  the  regiment  was  moved  to  the  foot  of 
the  ridge,  leaving  only  the  pickets  on  the  crest.  About  8.30 
P.  M.  we  were  ordered  to  the  picket  line  and  began  intrenching. 
The  tall  grass  was  wet  from  a  drenching  rain  a  few  hours  be- 
fore. The  ground,  though  wet,  was  hard,  and  slow  progress 
was  made,  having  only  their  bayonets  for  picks  and  their  bare 
hands  for  shovels.  All  night  this  work  went  on.  The  men 
were  tired  and  hungry  (as  rations  had  not  come  up  that  day), 
but  worked  faithfully.  During  this,  and  I  will  add,  throughout 
the  campaign,  I  never  heard  a  murmur  nor  a  complaint ;  even 
when  almost  all  the  men  of  the  regiment  were  down  with  fever 
and  bowel  trouble  they  were  cheerful  and  ready  to  do  any  duty 
they  were  called  on  for. 

The  morning  of  July  3d  Cervera's  fieet  sailed  down  the  bay. 
An  officer  rode  by  our  part  of  the  line  about  half-past  9  and  in- 
formed us  of  it.  A  few  minutes  later  we  heard  the  roar  of  the 
big  guns,  though  at  the  time  1  little  thought  of  what  was  going 
on.  In  the  afternoon  vv^e  heard  cheering  on  our  line  way  to  the 
left,  and  as  the  good  news  came  along  it  was  taken  up,  and 
soon  the  whole  line  was  shouting. 

On  the  morning  of  July  5th  the  non-combatants  left  San- 
tiago by  two  roads,  one  passing  through  our  line.  It  was  a  piti- 
ful sight.  During  the  forenoon  of  the  5th  we  moved  about  a 
mile  to  the  right  and  began  intrenching.  This  position  was  very 
near  the  Spanish  line,  and  quite  elaborate  works  were  con- 
structed. We  remained  in  this  position  until  the  morning  of 
the  nth,  when  the  regiment  was  ordered  to  the  right  of  the 
line,  about  three  miles.  Here  we  intrenched.  About  i  P.  M. 
a  truce  was  announced. 

At  9.15  P.  M.  a  stafT  officer  came  to  the  regimental  com- 
mander's tent  and  informed  him  that  the  regiment  was  to  be 
on  the  line  at  12  o'clock  midnight,  and  as  soon  as  the  moon 
rose  to  advance  through  the  jungle  until  fired  on,  when  the  line 
was  to  halt  and  intrench.  The  night  was  stormy  and  any  moon 
there  might  have  been  was  obscured  by  the  clouds.  We  were 
up,  however,  standing  until  daylight  in  a  drenching  rain,  for 
it  was  so  dark  that  any  movement  was  impossible.  Our  rest 
was  broken,  without  accomplishing  anything  that  I  know  or 
heard  of. 


igO  THE  BATTLE  OF  EL  CANEY 

However,  the  rain  and  storm  were  providential,  for  I  will  al- 
ways believe  if  the  movement  had  been  started  we  should  have 
met  with  disaster.  The  ground  was  broken,  deep  ravines  and 
underbrush  with  wire  fences  running  through  it.  I  have  never 
learned  who  was  "the  father"  of  this  order,  and  possibly  never 
will.     He  must  be  ashamed  of  it. 

The  afternoon  of  the  T2th  the  regiment  advanced  several 
hundred  yards  to  the  front  and  dug  more  intrenchments.  They 
were  still  on  this  work  the  afternoon  of  the  14th  when  it  was 
announced  that  the  Spanish  army  had  agreed  to  surrender. 
This  came  none  too  soon,  for  our  men  were  coming  down  with 
malarial  fever.  A  few  days  later  nearly  half  the  regiment  were 
on  the  sick  list,  and  the  balance  could  not  have  done  much. 

The  regiment  was  moved  the  same  afternoon  to  higher 
ground  in  rear  of  the  trenches.  Strong  guards  were  kept  to 
look  out  for  our  prisoners  and  to  prevent  "our  alHes,"  the 
Cubans,  from  going  into  the  city. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th  the  formal  surrender  of  the  city 
and  Spanish  army  took  place.  We  were  some  distance  away 
and  did  not  see  anything  of  the  ceremony. 

On  July  25th  the  regiment  was  moved  about  a  mile  further 
back  in  the  hills  and  made  camp,  our  tents,  etc.,  having  been 
brought  up  from  the  transport.  Medicines  appeared  very 
scarce,  resulting  in  much  suffering.  The  food  supplied  was 
totally  unfit  for  our  new  surroundings,  and  I  believe  not  a  little 
of  the  sickness  can  be  traced  to  this.  Our  last  camp  was  as 
good  as  any  to  be  found  in  that  vicinity. 

The  regiment  remained  in  camp  until  August  13th,  when  it 
cirilbarked  on  the'  transport  "Camanche"  for  Montauk  Point, 
arriving  on  the  i8th,  and  landed  on  the  23d. 

B.  H.  R.  LOUGHBOROUGH, 

Captain,  25th  Infantry. 


SAN    JUAN  191 


CHAPTER  VII. 


SAN  JUAN. 
Cavalry    Division:     The   Ninth   and  Tenth   Regiments. 

When  Lawton's  division  swung  off  to  the  right  to  engage 
the  enemy  at  El  Caney,  with  the  results  described  in  the  pre- 
ceeding  chapter,  the  divisions  of  Wheeler  and  Kent  were  or- 
dered to  proceed  directly  along  the  Santiago  road  toward  San 
Juan.  Within  a  mile  from  El  Pozo,  the  point  w^here  they  had 
bivouacked  for  the  night  of  the  30th,  the  troops  arrived  at  the 
Aguadores  River,  which  crosses  the  road  here  within  less  than 
a  mile  from  San  Juan  Heights.  Wheeler's  division  headed 
the  column,  although  that  general  was  not  commanding.  He 
had  been  relieved  on  the  afternoon  of  the  30th  and  did  not 
resume  command  until  about  4  o'clock  on  July  i,*  long  after 
the  heights  had  been  carried,  although  he  was  on  the  field 
shortly  after  i  o'clock  of  that  day. 

The  Dismounted  Cavalry  Division  on  the  morning  of  July 
I  presented  2,663  fighting  men,  including  officers.  The  First 
Brigade,  commanded  by  Colonel  Carrol,  had  50  officers  and 
1,054  men,  in  regiments  as  follows:  Third  Cavalry,  22  offi- 
cers, 420  men;  Sixth  Cavalry,  16  officers,  427  men;  Ninth 
Cavalry,  12  officers,  207  men,  the  Ninth  having  hardly  one- 
half  the  strength  of  either  of  the  other  regiments  of  the  bri- 
gade. The  Second  Brigade,  commanded  by  General  Wood, 
contained  i,559  persons,  distributed  as  follows:  Brigade  staff, 
9  officers,  14  men;  First  Cavalry,  21  officers,  501  men;  Tenth 

♦Official  Report  of  General  Sumner. 


192  SAN    JUAN 

Cavalry,  22  officers,  507  men;  First  Volunteer  Cavalry 
(Rough  Riders),  25  officers,  517  men. 

Before  the  troops  left  El  Poso,  Grimes'  battery  had  been  put 
in  position  and  had  fired  a  few  shots  at  a  blockhouse  on  San 
Juan  Hill,  distance  2,600  yards.  Using  black  powder,  which 
created  a  cloud  of  smoke  with  every  shot,  the  battery  was 
readily  located  by  the  foe,  and  the  shrapnel  from  their  giins 
was  soon  bursting  among  our  forces.  The  second  shot  from 
the  Spaniards  wounded  four  of  the  Rough  Riders  and  two  or 
three  of  the  regulars,  while  a  third  killed  and  wounded  sev- 
eral Cubans.  As  a  matter  of  course  there  was  a  rapid  move- 
ments of  the  troops  from  that  immediate  vicinity.  The  firing 
soon  ceased,  and  the  troops  took  up  that  general  advance 
movement  already  noted. 

It  is  no  easy  task  to  follow  the  movements  of  the  Cavalry 
Division  from  the  time  it  left  El  Poso  that  July  morning  un- 
til it  finally  entrenched  itself  for  the  night  on  San  Juan  Hills. 
/.s  heretofore  we  v;ill  take  the  official  reports  first,  and  from 
them  make  up  the  itinerary  and  the  movements  of  the  battle 
that  followed,  as  far  as  they  will  enable  us  to  do  so.  General 
Sumne**  says  the  division  proceeded  toward  Santiago,  and 
when  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  from  El  Poso  was  halted  in 
a  narrow  road  to  await  orders  and  remained  there  for  nearly 
an  hour,  subject  to  the  effects  of  heavy  artillery  fire  from 
the  enemy's  battery.  Major  Wessells,  of  the  Third  Cavalry, 
says,  while  following  the  road  toward  Santiago  that  morn, 
''much  delay  ensued  from  some  reason  unknown  to  the  under- 
signed," and  that  the  First  Brigade  of  the  division  arrived  at 
San  Juan  ford  about  10  o'clock.  This  creek  was  about  five 
hundred  yards  farther  toward  Santiago  than  Aguadores 
River,  and  ran  about  parallel  with  San  Juan  Heights,  from 
which  it  was  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  distant. 


SAN    JUAN  193 

The  orders  for  which  General  Sumner  had  waited  nearly 
an  hour  under  fire  had  come  and  were  "verbal  instructions  to 
move  to  the  San  Juan  Creek  and  hold  it."  Reaching  this 
creek  his  advance  guard  was  met  by  the  Spaniards  who  fired 
one  volley  and  retreated  to  a  position  on  a  hill  on  Sumner's 
right  front,  about  1,200  yards  distant.  Crossing  this  creek 
with  sufficient  strength  to  hold  it,  Sumner  was  now  ordered 
to  move  by  the  right  flank  and  connect  with  Lawton's  left. 
While  his  troops  were  in  this  massed  condition  prior  to  de- 
ploying to  the  right  through  q  thick  jungle,  the  balloon  that 
was  in  use  for  purposes  of  reconnoitering,  came  up  the  road 
and  exposed  itself  to  the  full  view  of  the  Spaniards  upon  the 
heights.  They  needed  no  further  invitation  to  direct  toward 
our  forces  their  artillery,  for  which  the  balloon  became  a  fly- 
ing target.  Many  officers  and  men  were  wounded  here  by 
exploding  shells  and  small  arms'  fire  of  the  enemy  (Sumner). 
Under  this  fire,  however,  the  troops  were  deployed  as  ordered. 

Colonel  Wood,  who  had  charge  of  the  Second  Brigade,  of 
which  the  Rough  Riders  were  the  leading  regiment,  says  this 
"regiment  was  directed  to  change  direction  to  the  right,  and 
by  moving  up  the  creek  to  effect  a  junction  with  General 
Lawton's  division,  which  was  engaged  at  Caney,  about  one 
and  a-half  miles  toward  the  right,  but  was  supposed  to  be 
working  toward  our  right  fiank.  After  proceeding  in  this  di- 
rection about  half  a  mile  the  effort  to  connect  with  General 
Lawton  was  given  up."  This  movement  to  the  right  took 
place  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  at  which  time  Lawton's 
forces  had  made  no  impression  upon  El  Caney,  and  he  was  far 
from  making  any  movement  which  might  be  described  as 
working  toward  the  right  flank  of  the  Cavalry  Division.  Law- 
ton  was  not  found  by  that  half-hour's  search  to  the  right;  and 

13 


194  SAN    JUAN 

it  was  evident  that  something  must  be  done  by  these  troops  in 
front,  and  done  quickly.  The  whole  division  was  under  fire, 
and  the  battle  on  the  Spanish  side  was  in  actual  progress. 
True  our  men  were  hidden  away  in  the  jungle  that  bordered 
the  creek,  but  their  position  was  known  to  the  Spaniards, 
and  leaves  and  boughs  are  no  cover  from  shot  and  shell.  They 
were  receiving  the  fire  of  the  enemy  and  making  no  reply 
whatever,  save  by  the  few  ineffective  shots  from  the  far  away 
battery  on  El  Poso  Hill. 

Directly  in  front  of  the  cavalry  division  was  a  little  hill  oc- 
cupied by  a  Spanish  force.  This  hill  is  called  in  General 
Wood's  report  East  Hill,  but  in  the  literature  of  the  battle  il 
is  usaully  mentioned  as  Kettle  Hill.  The  fire  in  part  was 
coming  from  here.  Colonel  Wood  gives  another  report  of 
the  morning's  experience  in  which  he  says :  "The  brigade 
moved  down  the  road  toward  Santiago  in  rear  of  the  First  Bri- 
gade, with  instructions  to  deploy  to  the  right  after  crossing 
the  San  Juan,  and  continue  to  extend  to  the  right,  reaching 
out  toward  General  Lawton's  left  and  holding  ourselves  in 
rear  of  the  First  Brigade  as  a  support.  On  reaching  the 
stream  the  First  Volunteer  Cavalry,  which  was  in  the  lead, 
crossed  the  stream  with  comparatively  slight  loss  and  de- 
ployed to  the  right  in  good  order,  but  at  this  time  a  captive 
balloon  was  led  down  the  road  in  which  the  troops  were 
massed,  and  finally  anchored  at  the  crossing  of  the  stream. 
The  approach  and  anchoring  of  this  balloon  served  to  indi- 
cate the  line  of  approach  of  the  troops  and  to  locate  the  ford, 
and  the  result  was  a  terrific  converging  of  artillery  and  rifle 
fire  on  the  ford,  which  resulted  in  severe  loss  of  men.  Under 
this  fire  the  First  United  States  Cavalry  and  the  Tenth  United 
States  Cavalry  crossed  the  stream  and  deployed  to  the  right 


SAN    JUAN  195 

where  they  were  placed  in  position  in  rear  of  the  First  Bri- 
gade. Two  regiments  of  the  Second  Brigade,  to  wit.,  the 
First  and  the  Tenth  Regular  Cavalry,  were  located  in  the  rear 
of  the  First  Brigade.  The  First  Regular  Cavalry  had  begun 
its  day's  work  as  support  of  Grimes'  battery,  but  had  later 
come  forward  and  taken  its  place  in  the  brigade  time  enough 
to  join  in  the  action  that  followed. 

''After  completing  the  deployment,"  says  Sumner,  "the 
command  was  so  much  committed  to  battle  that  it  became 
necessary  either  to  advance  or  else  retreat  under  fire."  The 
troops  were  already  in  battle,  but  were  not  fighting,  land  could 
not  do  so  in  their  present  position,  simply  because  they  could 
not  see  the  enemy.  "Lieutenant  Miley,  representing  General 
Shafter,  authorized  an  advance,  which  was  ordered,  Carroll's 
brigade  taking  the  advance,  reinforced  on  the  right  by 
Roosevelt's  regiment,  and  supported  by  the  First  and  Tenth 
Cavalry."  (Sumner.)  Colonel  Wood  says :  "After  remain- 
ing in  this  position  for  about  an  hour  (meaning  the  position 
held  by  his  brigade  previous  to  the  coming  of  the  order  to 
advance)  the  order  to  advance  was  given,  and  the  brigade  ad- 
vanced in  good  order  as  possible,  but  more  or  less  broken  up 
by  the  masses  of  brush  and  heavy  grass  and  cactus;  passing 
through  the  line  of  the  First  Brigade,  mingling  with  them  and 
charging  the  hill  in  conjunction  with  these  troops,  as  well  as 
some  few  infantry  who  had  extended  to  the  right."  It  must 
be  remembered  that  the  First  Brigade  consisted  wholly  of 
regulars,  tne  Third,  Sixth  and  Ninth  Cavalry,  while  the 
Second  Brigade  bad  that  remarkable  regiment,  the  Rough 
Riders.  This  fact  may  account  for  their  breaking  through 
the  lines  of  the  First  Brigade.  Major  Wessells,  who  com- 
manded tne   ihird  Cavalry  in  that  fight,    and    was    himself 


196  SAN    JUAN 

wounded  at  the  close  of  the  first  charge,  says  his  regiment  be- 
came entangled  with  other  regiments,  but,  nevertheless,  was 
to  the  crest  as  soon  as  any.  Of  the  advance  of  the  whole  divis- 
ion, General  Sumner  says:  "The  advance  was  made  under 
heavy  infantry  fire,  through  open  fiat  ground,  cut  up  by  wire 
fences,  to  the  creek,  distant  about  600  yards.  The  advance 
was  made  in  good  order,  the  enemy's  fire  being  returned  only 
under  favorable  opportunities.  In  crossing  the  fiat  one  officer 
and  several  men  were  killed  and  several  officers  and  men 
wounded.  Both  sides  of  the  creek  were  heavily  wooded  for 
about  200  yards.  The  creek  was  swollen,  and  the  crossing 
through  this  space  and  the  creek  was  made  with  great  diffi- 
culty. 

"After  passing  through  the  thick  woods  the  ground  was  en- 
tirely open  and  fenced  by  wire.  From  this  line  it  was  neces- 
sary to  storm  the  hill,  upon  the  top  of  which  is  a  house,  loop- 
holed  for  defense.  The  slope  of  the  hill  is  very  difficult,  but 
the  assault  was  made  with  great  gallantry  and  with  much  loss 
to  the  enemy.  In  this  assault  Colonel  Hamilton,  Lieutenants 
Smith  and  Shipp  were  killed;  Colonel  Carroll,  Lieutenants 
Thayer  and  Myer  were  wounded.  A  number  of  casualties 
occurred  among  the  enlisted  men."  The  heights  were  carried 
by  the  whole  division. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Baldwin's  account  of  the  part  his  regi- 
ment took  in  the  assault  upon  San  Juan  is  told  about  as  fol- 
lows: After  the  search  for  Lawton  had  been  given  up,  the 
First  and  Tenth  Cavalry  were  formed  for  attack  on  East  Hill. 
"I  was  directed,"  he  says,  "to  take  a  position  to  the  right,  be- 
hind the  river  bank,  for  protection.  While  moving  to  this 
position,  and  while  there,  the  regiment  suffered  considerable 
loss.    After  an  interval  of  twenty  or  thirty  minutes  I  was  di- 


SAN   JUAN  197 

rected  to  form  line  of  battle  in  a  partially  open  field  facinc^ 
toward  the  blockhouses  and  strong  intrenchments  to  the  north 
occupied  by  the  enemy.  Much  difficulty  was  found  on  account 
of  the  dense  undergrowth,  crossed  in  several  directions  by 
wire  fences.  As  a  part  of  the  cavalry  division  under  General 
Sumner,  the  regiment  was  formed  in  two  lines,  the  First 
Squadron  under  Major  S.  T.  Norvell,  consisting  of  Troops 
A,  B,  E  land  I,  leading;  the  second  line,  under  Major  T.  J. 
Wint,  consisting  of  Troops  C,  F  and  G.  Troop  D  having 
crossed  farther  down  the  river,  attached  itself  to  a  command 
of  infantry  and  moved  with  that  command  on  the  second 
blockhouse.  The  regiment  advanced  in  this  formation  in  a 
heavy  converging  fire  from  the  enemy's  position,  proceeding 
but  a  short  distance  when  the  tv.'o  lines  were  united  into  one. 
The  advance  was  rapidly  continued  in  an  irregular  line  toward 
the  blockhouses  and  intrenchments  to  the  right  front.  Dur- 
ing this  advance  the  line  passed  some  troops  of  the  First  Cav- 
alry, which  I  think  had  previously  been  formed  on  our  right. 
St-veral  losses  occurred  before  reaching  the  top  of  the  hill. 
First  Lieutenant  William  H.  Smith  being  killed  as  he  arrived 
on  its  crest.  The  enemy  having  retreated  toward  the  north- 
west to  the  second  and  third  blockhouses,  new  lines  were 
formed  and  a  rapid  advance  was  made  upon  these  new  posi- 
tions. The  regiment  assisted  in  capturing  these  works  from 
the  enemy,  and  with  the  exception  of  Troops  C  and  I,  which 
in  the  meantimiC  had  joined  the  First  Volunteer  Cavalry,  then 
took  up  a  position  to  the  north  of  the  second  blockhouse,  re- 
maining there  all  night." 

Major  Norvell,  who  commanded  the  First  Squadron  of  the 
Tenth  Cavelry,  which  consisted  of  Troops  A,  B,  E  and  I, 
gives  the  following  account  of  the  experiences  of  July  isti 


198  SAN    JUAN 

"The  regiment  took  position  in  a  wood,  and  here  suffered 
considerable  loss,  due  to  the  fact  that  the  whole  of  the  enemy  s 
fire  appeared  to  be  directed  to  this  point.  In  a  short  time  we 
moved  out  of  the  wood  by  the  right  flank  and  then  deployed 
to  the  left,  being  then  directly  in  front  of  the  enemy  and  one 
mile  distant  from  his  works,  marked  by  three  houses  about 
half  a  mile  from  one  another.  The  enemy  was  strongly  en- 
trenched in  front  of  these  houses.  The  line,  consisting  of  the 
cavalry  division,  under  direction  of  Brigadier-General  Sum- 
ner, moved  forward  in  double  time,  under  a  terrific  fire  of  the 
enemy.  We  had  a  very  heavy  jungle  to  march  through,  be- 
side the  river  (San  Juan)  to  cross,  and  during  our  progress 
many  men  were  killed  and  wounded.  The  troops  became 
separated  from  one  another,  though  the  general  line  was  pretty 
well  preserved.  The  works  of  the  enemy  were  carried  in  suc- 
cession by  tlie  troops ;  and  the  Spaniards  were  steadily  driven 
back  toward  the  town  to  their  last  ditches.  We  now  found 
ourselves  about  half  a  mile  from  the  city,  but  the  troops  be- 
ing by  this  time  nearly  exhausted,  here  intrenched  them- 
selves for  the  night  under  a  heavy  fire.  By  dark  this  line  was 
occupied  by  all  the  troops  engaged  during  the  day." 

The  official  reports  of  the  troop  commanders  of  the  Tenth 
Cavalry  bring  out  a  few  more  particulars  which  serve  to  give 
us  a  more  vivid  conception  of  this  moving  line.  The  entire 
cavalry  division  advanced  together,  and  notwithstanding  the 
roughness  of  the  ground,  Major  Norvell  assures  us  the  line 
was  pretty  well  preserved.  Troops  A,  B,  E  and  I  were  in  the 
First  Squadron,  which  was  in  the  lead;  Troops  C,  F  and  G 
were  in  the  second  line;  Troop  D  made  its  advance  with  the 
infantry  off  to  the  left.  We  have  now  a  fair  knowledge  of 
the  general  movement  of  the  whole  regiment.     Let  us  follow 


SAN    JUAN  199 

the  fortunes  of  some  of  the  Troops,  and  by  that  means  get 
nearer  to  the  work  done  by  the  individual  soldier. 

Troop  A  was  on  the  right  of  the  leading  squadron  as  tho 
regiment  took  its  place  in  line  on  the  left  of  the  First  Cavalry 
and  moved  against  the  Spanish  blockhouses  in  the  face  of  a 
heavy  fire,  making  a  rush  forward  without  intermission.  A 
portion  of  the  right  platoon,  under  Lieutenant  Livermore,  be- 
came separated  in  one  of  the  thickets,  and  under  instructions 
received  personally  from  the  brigade  commander,  who  seems 
to  have  been  everywhere  where  he  was  needed,  continued  up 
the  slope  toward  his  right  and  toward  the  first  blockhouse. 
The  remainder  of  the  troop,  commanded  by  Captain  Beck  and 
Lieutenant  McCoy,  moved  in  the  same  direction  at  first,  but 
observing  that  on  account  of  the  shorter  distance  to  the  slope 
from  that  end  of  the  line,  a  large  number  of  troops  were  ar- 
riving there.  Captain  Beck  swung  his  troop  to  the  left  and 
reached  the  summit  of  the  hill  between  the  second  and  third 
blockhouses,  and  on  arriving  received  a  message  by  an  aid  oj 
the  brigade  commander  to  hold  the  ridge.  Just  then  Lieut. 
Livermore  arrived,  having  come  by  way  of  Blockhouse  No.  i. 
The  troop  now  being  together,  held  the  crest  for  an  hour.  At 
times  the  fire  of  the  enemy  was  so  severe  and  Captain  Beck's 
force  so  small  that  there  was  great  danger  that  he  would  be 
compelled  to  abandon  the  position,  but  fortunately  at  the  most 
critical  juncture  Lieutenant  Lyon  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Infan- 
try came  up  with  a  few  reinforcements,  and  Lieutenant  Hughes 
of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  with  a  Hotchkiss  gun.  Lieutenant 
Lyon  formed  his  troops  to  the  left  of  the  gun.  Troop  A  of  the 
Tenth  Cavalry  being  on  the  right.  With  this  force  the  posi- 
tion was  held  until  other  troops  arrived.  Soon  after,  the 
squadron  was  reformed  and  the  men  entrenched  themselves 


200  SAN    JUAN 

under  fire.  Troop  B  was  next  to  Troop  A  and  advanced  aj 
skirmishers  by  rushes  and  double  time,  but  soon  found  its 
front  blocked  by  other  troops.  Troop  I  ladvanced  in  two  sec- 
tions, the  left  being  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Miller,  joined 
in  the  attack  on  the  right  of  the  enemy's  position;  the  right 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Fleming,  advanced  on  trenches  be- 
tween two  blockhouses,  and  in  so  doing  caught  up  with  the 
rest  of  the  troop.  The  first  half  of  the  troop,  after  attacking 
the  blockhouse  on  right  of  the  enemy's  position  then  crossed 
the  valley  and  attacked  the  blockhouse  on  the  left  of  enemy "s 
position,  and  then  moved  forward  with  the  First  Regular  Cav- 
alry and  First  Volunteer  Cavalry,  until  the  troop  assembled  as 
a  whole.  When  it  reached  the  place  of  intrenchment  there 
were  altogether  about  one  hundred  men  at  that  point  of  the 
ridge,  consisting  of  men  from  the  Tenth  Cavalry  and  of  the 
Rough  Riders.  It  is  claimed  by  Lieutenant  Anderson,  who 
commanded  Troop  C,  and  who  made  his  way  to  the  front  on 
the  right  ot  the  ime,  that  after  coming  up  on  the  second  hill 
and  joining  his  troop  to  the  left  of  Troop  I,  Colonel  Roose- 
velt and  part  of  his  regiment  joined  on  the  right  of  the  Tenth, 
and  that  he  reported  to  him,  placing  C  Troop  in  his  com- 
man.  Before  this  time  Lieutenant  Anderson  had  reported  to 
Captain  Jones,  of  Troop  F,  while  they  were  on  Kettle  Hill, 
and  the  Two  troops,  F  and  C,  had  been  formed  in  skirmish 
line  and  moved  .against  the  second  blockhouse.  In  this  move- 
ment Troop  C  got  separated  from  Captain  Jones,  and  Ander- 
son, with  1 8  men  of  his  own  troop  and  several  from  other  or- 
ganizations, moved  forward  until  he  connected  with  Troop  I, 
as  previously  narrated.  These  troops,  C  and  I,  were  reported 
by  their  Colonel  as  having  joined  the  First  Volunteer  Cav- 
alry.    All  of  the  troop  commander?  who  were  immediately 


SAN    JUAN  20 1 

with  the  men  bear  hearty  testimony  to  their  good  conduct. 
Captain  Jones,  commanding  Troop  F,  says :  "I  could  only  do 
justice  to  the  troop  by  mentioning  by  name  all  who  were  en- 
g-aged,  not  only  for  their  bravery,  but  for  their  splendid  dis- 
cipline under  the  most  demoralizing  fire."  Lieutenant  Flem- 
ing, commanding  Troop  I,  says :  "The  entire  troop  behaved 
with  great  gallantry.  Private  Elsie  Jones  particularly  dis- 
tinguished himself."  Captain  Beck,  commanding  Troop  A, 
says:  "The  behaviour  of  the  enlisted  men  was  magnificent, 
paying  studious  attention  to  orders  while  on  the  firing  line., 
and  generally  exhibiting  an  intrepidity  which  marks  the  first- 
class  soldier."  Lieutenant  Hughes,  who  commanded  the 
Hotchkiss  gun  detachment,  mentions  four  men  for  conspic- 
uous bravery  and  commends  his  entire  detachment  for  "spirit, 
enterprise  and  good  behavior." 

The  official  story  is  that  the  entire  cavalry  division  ad- 
vanced under  orders  from  General  Sumner  and  that  the  heft  of 
its  first  blow  fell  upon  Kettle  Hill,  which  was  soon  captured, 
and  on  the  crest  of  this  hill  the  troops  which  had  ascended  it 
made  a  temporary  halt,  reformed  their  lines  somewhat  and 
immediately  advanced  upon  the  second  hill  to  the  help  of  that 
part  of  the  cavalry  division  which  had  swung  to  the  left  in  the 
advance,  and  also  to  the  help  of  the  infantry  who  were  coming 
against  Fort  San  Juan  at  the  same  time.  Meanwhile  there 
was  left  upon  Kettle  Hill  a  sufficient  garrison  or  force  to  pre- 
vent its  being  recaptured  by  the  enemy.  In  the  assault  on 
Kettle  Hill  the  brigade  commander.  Colonel  Carroll,  had  been 
wounded,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hamilton  of  the  Ninth 
Cavalry  killed.  Many  troop  ojfficers  also  had  been  either 
killed  or  wounded  and  also  in  the  rush  forward  through  the 
jungle  and  high  grass  some  troops  had  been  separated  from 


a02  SAN    JUAN 

their  officers,  and  yet  it  is  remarkable  that  all  were  ready  to 
move  forward  to  the  next  assault. 

The  words  of  praise  to  the  whole  cavalry  division  contained 
in  the  following  order,  published  at  Camp  Wikoff  immediately 
after  the  arrival  there  of  the  troops,  are  claimed  by  both  black 
and  white  cavalrymen  alike: 

Headquarters,  Cavalry  Division, 
Camp  Wikoff,  L.  I.,  September  7th,   1898. 

To  the  Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Cavalry  Division,  Army  of 
Santiago. 

The  duties  for  which  the  troops  comprising  the  Cavalry  Di- 
vision were  brought  together  have  been  accomplished. 

On  June  14th  we  sailed  from  Tampa,  Fla.,  to  encounter  in 
the  sickly  season  the  diseases  of  the  tropical  island  of  Cuba, 
and  to  face  and  attack  the  historic  legions  of  Spain  in  positions 
chosen  by  them  and  which  for  years  they  had  been  strength- 
ening by  every  contrivance  and  art  known  to  the  skillful  military 
engineers  of  Europe. 

On  the  23d,  one  squadron  each  of  the  ist  and  loth  Regular 
Cavalry  and  two  squadrons  of  the  ist  Volunteer  Cavalry,  in  all 
964  officers  and  men,  landed  on  Cuban  soil.  These  troops 
marched  on  foot  fourteen  miles,  and,  early  on  the  morning  of 
the  24th,  attacked  and  defeated  double  their  number  of  regular 
Spanish  soldiers  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-General 
Linares.  Eagerly  and  cheerfully  you  pushed  onward,  and  on 
July  1st  forded  San  Juan  River  and  gallantly  swept  over  San 
Juan  Hill,  driving  the  enemy  from  its  crest.  Without  a  mo- 
ment's halt  you  formed,  aligning  the  division  upon  the  ist  In- 
fantry Division  under  General  Kent,  and,  together  with  these 
troops,  you  bravely  charged  and  carried  the  formidable  in- 
trenchments  of  Fort  San  Juan.  The  entire  force  which  fought 
and  won  this  great  victory  was  less  than  seven  thousand  men. 

The  astonished  enemy,  though  still  protected  by  the  strong 
works  to  which  he  had  made  his  retreat,  was  so  stunned  by  your 
determined  valor  that  his  only  thought  was  to  devise  the  quick- 
est means  of  saving  himself  from  further  battle.  The  great 
Spanish  fleet  hastily  sought  escape  from  the  harbor  and  was 
destroyed  by  our  matchless  navy. 

After  seizing  the  fortifications  of  San  Juan  Ridge,  you,  in 


SAN    JUAN  203 

the  darkness  of  night,  strongly  intrenched  the  position  your 
valor  had  won.  Reinforced  by  Bates'  Brigade  on  your  left 
and  Lawton's  Division  on  your  right,  you  continued  the  com- 
bat until  the  Spanish  army  of  Santiago  Province  succumbed  to 
the  superb  prowess  and  courage  of  American  arms.  Peace 
promptly  followed,  and  you  return  to  receive  the  plaudits  of 
seventy  millions  of  people. 

The  valor  displayed  by  you  was  not  without  sacrifice.  Eigh- 
teen per  cent.,  or  nearly  one  in  five,  of  the  Cavalry  Division  fell 
on  the  field  either  killed  or  wounded.  We  mourn  the  loss  of 
these  heroic  dead,  and  a  grateful  country  will  always  revere 
their  memory. 

Whatever  may  be  my  fate,  wherever  my  steps  may  lead,  my 
heart  will  always  burn  with  increasing  admiration  for  your  cour- 
age in  action,  your  fortitude  under  privation  and  your  constant 
devotion  to  duty  in  its  highest  sense,  whether  in  battle,  in  biv- 
ouac or  upon  the  march. 

JOSEPH  WHEELER, 
Major-General  U.  S.  V.,  Commanding. 

Aside  from  that  part  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  who  fought  un- 
der General  Wheeler  and  who  are  consequently  included 
among  those  congratulated  by  the  General  Order  just  quoted. 
Troop  M  of  that  regiment,  under  command  of  Lieutenant  C. 
P.  Johnson,  performed  an  important  part  in  the  war.  The 
troop  consisted  of  50  men  and  left  Port  Tampa  June  21  on 
board  the  steamship  Florida,  the  steamship  Fanita  also  mak- 
ing a  part  of  the  expedition.  The  troop  was  mounted  and 
was  accompanied  by  a  pack  train  of  65  animals.  Both  ships 
were  heavily  loaded  with  clothing,  ammunition  and  provision, 
and  had  on  board  besides  Lieutenant  Johnson's  command, 
General  Nunez  and  staff  and  375  armed  Cubans.  The  expedi- 
tion sailed  around  the  west  end  of  the  island  and  attempted 
a  landing  at  a  point  chosen  by  General  Nunez  on  June  29,  but 
failed  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  place  chosen  was  w^ell  guarded 
by  Spaniards,  who  fired  upon  the  landing  party.  The  expedi- 
tion had  with  it  a  small  gunboat,  the  Peoria,  commanded  by 


204  SAN    JUAN 

Captain  Ryan,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  June  30th  an  attack 
was  made  upon  a  blockhouse  on  the  shore  by  the  gunboat,  and 
a  small  force  of  Cuban  and  American  volunteers  landed,  but 
were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  one  killed.  General  Nunez's 
brother,  ^nd  seven  wounded.  Two  days  later  Lieutenant 
Johnson  was  able  to  land  and  immediately  made  connection 
with  General  Gomez,  unloading  his  stores  for  the  Cuban 
Army. 

Lieutenant  G.  P.  Ahearn,  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  who 
went  on  this  expedition  as  a  volunteer,  rendered  important 
service  on  the  night  after  the  attack  on  the  blockhouse  at 
Tayabacoa.  As  the  attacking  party  met  with  repulse  and  es- 
caped to  the  ship  in  the  darkness,  several  of  their  wounded 
were  left  on  shore.  Several  boats  sent  out  to  recover  them 
had  returned  without  the  men,  their  crews  fearing  to  go  on 
shore  after  them.  Lieutenant  Ahearn  volunteered  to  attempt 
the  rescue  of  the  men,  and  taking  a  water-logged  boat,  ap- 
proached the  shore  noiselessly  and  succeeded  in  his  under- 
taking. The  crew  accompanying  Lieutenant  Ahearn  was  made 
up  of  men  from  Troop  M,  Tenth  Cavalry,  and  behaved  so  well 
that  the  four  were  given  Medals  of  Honor  for  their  marked 
gallantry.  The  action  of  Lieutenant  Ahearn  in  this  case  was 
in  keeping  with  his  whole  military  career.  He  has  ever  mani- 
fested a  fondness  for  exceptional  service,  and  has  never  failed 
when  opportunity  occurred  to  display  a  noble  gallantry  on 
the  side  of  humanity.  Nothing  appeals  to  him  so  command- 
ingly  as  an  individual  needing  rescue,  and  in  such  a  cause  he 
immediately  rises  to  the  hero's  plane.  The  noble  colored  sol- 
diers who  won  medals  on  that  occasion  were  all  privates  and 
became  heroes  for  humanity's  sake.  Their  names  deserve  a 
place  in  this  history  outside  the  mere  official  table.    They  were 


SAN    JUAN  205 

Dennis  Bell,  George  H.  Wanton,  Fitz  Lee  and  William  H. 
Tompkins,  and  were  the  only  colored  soldiers  who,  at  the  time 
of  this  writing,  have  won  Medals  of  Honor  in  the  Spanish 
War.  Others,  however,  may  yet  be  given,  as  doubtless  others 
are  deserved.  The  heroic  service  performed  by  whole  regi- 
ments, as  in  the  case  of  the  Twenty- fourth  Infantry,  should 
entitle  every  man  in  it  to  a  medal  of  some  form  as  a  souvenir 
for  his  posterity. 

Losses  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry  in  the  battles  of  San  Juan : 

Officers — Killed,  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  M.  Hamilton. 

Men — Killed,  Trumpeter  Lewis  Fort,  Private  James  John- 
son. 

Officers — Wounded,  Adjutant  Winthrop  S.  Wood,  Cap- 
tain Charles  W.  Taylor. 

Men — Wounded.  First  Sergeant  Charles  W.  Jefferson, 
Sergeant  Adam  Moore,  Sergeant  Henry  F.  Wall,  Sergeant 
Thomas  B.  Craig,  Corporal  James  W.  Ervine,  Corporal  Hor- 
ace T.  Henry,  Corporal  John  Mason,  Burwell  Bullock, 
Elijah  Crippen,  Edward  Davis,  Hoyle  Ervin,  James  Gand}', 
Edward  D.  Nelson,  Noah  Prince,  Thomas  Sinclair,  James  R. 
Spear,  Jr.,  Jacob  Tull,  William  H.  Turner,  George  Warren, 
Alfred  Wilson. 

Losses  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  during  the  battle  of  San  Juan : 

Officers — Killed,  First  Lieutenant  W.  E.  Shipp,  First 
Lieutenant  W.  H.  Smith. 

Men — Killed,  John  H.  Smoot,  Corporal  W.  F.  Johnson, 
John  H.  Dodson,  George  Stroal,  William  H.  Slaughter. 

Officers — Wounded,  Major  T.  J.  Wint  Captain  John 
Bigelow,  Jr.,  Adjutant  and  First  Lieutenant  M.  H.  Barnum. 
First  Lieutenant  R.  L.  Livermore,  First  Lieutenant  E.  D.  An- 
derson, Second  Lieutenant  F.  R.  McCoy,  Second  Lieutenaqt 


206  SAN    JUAN 

H.  C.  Whitehead,  Second  Lieutenant  T.  A.  Roberts,  Second 
Lieutenant  H.  O.  Willard. 

Men — Wounded,  First  Sergeant  A.  Houston,  First  Ser- 
geant Robert  Milbrown,  Q.  M.  Sergeant  William  Payne,  Ser- 
geant Smith  Johnson,  Sergeant  Ed.  Lane,  Sergeant  Walker 
Johnson,  Sergeant  George  Dyers,  Sergeant  Willis  Hatcher. 
Sergeant  John  L.  Taylor,  Sergeant  Amos  Elliston,  Sergeant 
Frank  Rankin,  Sergeant  E.  S.  Washington,  Sergeant  U.  G. 
Gunter,  Corporal  J.  G.  Mitchell,  Corporal  Allen  Jones,  Cor- 
poral Marcellus  Wright,  Privates  Lewis  L.  Anderson,  John 
Arnold,  Charles  Arthur,  John  Brown,  Frank  D.  Bennett, 
Wade  Bledsoe,  Hillary  Brown,  Thornton  Burkley,  John 
Brooks,  W.  H.  Brown,  Wm.  A.  Cooper,  John  Chinn,  J.  PL 
Campbell,  Henry  Fearn,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Gilmore  Givens, 
B.  F.  Gaskins,  William  Gregory,  Luther  D.  Gould,  Wiley, 
Hipsher,  Thomas  Hardy,  Charles  Hopkins,  Richard  James, 
Wesley  Jones,  Robert  E.  Lee,  Sprague  Lewis,  Henry  McCor- 
mack,  Samuel  T.  Minor,  Lewis  Marshall,  William  Matthews, 
Houston  Riddill,  Charles  Robinson,  Frank  Ridgeley,  Fred. 
Shackley,  Harry  D.  Sturgis,  Peter  Saunderson,  John  T.  Tay- 
lor, William  Tyler,  Isom  Taylor,  John  Watson,  Benjamin 
West.  Joseph  Williams,  Allen  E.  White,  Nathan  Wyatt. 


jsjQtg — "While  we  talked,  and  the  soldiers  filled  their  can- 
teens and  drank  deep  and  long,  like  camels  who,  after  days  of 
travel  through  the  land  of  "thirst  and  emptiness,'  have  reached 
the  green  oasis  and  the  desert  spring,  a  black  corporal  of  the 
24th  Infantry  walked  wearily  up  to  the  'water  hole.'  He  was 
muddy  and  bedraggled.  He  carried  no  cup  or  canteen,  and 
stretched  himself  out  over  the  stepping-stones  in  the  stream, 
sipping  up  the  water  and  the  mud  together  out  of  the  shallow 
pool.  A  white  cavalryman  ran  toward  him  shouting,  'Hold  on, 
bunkie;  here's  my  cup!'  The  negro  looked  dazed  a  moment, 
and  not  a  few  of  the  spectators  showed  amazement,  for  such 


SAN    JUAN 


207 


a  thing  had  rarely  if  ever  happened  in  the  army  before.  'Thank 
you,'  said  the  black  corporal.  'Well,  we  are  all  fighting  under 
the  same  flag  now.'  And  so  he  drank  out  of  the  white  man's 
cup.  I  was  glad  to  see  that  I  was  not  the  only  man  who  had 
come  to  recognize  the  justice  of  certain  Constitutional  amend- 
ments, in  the  light  of  the  gallant  behaviour  of  the  colored  troop? 
throughout  the  battle,  and,  indeed,  the  campaign.  The  fortune 
of  war  had,  of  course,  something  to  do  w-ith  it  in  presenting  to 
the  colored  troops  the  oportunities  for  distinguished  service, 
of  which  they  invariably  availed  themselves  to  the  fullest  ex- 
tent ;  but  the  confidence  of  the  general  officers  in  their  superb 
gallantry,  which  the  event  proved  to  be  not  misplaced,  added 
still  more,  and  it  is  a  fact  that  the  services  of  no  four  white 
regiments  can  be  compared  with  those  rendered  by  the  four 
colored  regiments — the  9th  and  itch  Cavalry,  and  the  24th  and 
25th  Infantry.  They  were  to  the  front  at  La  Guasima,  at  Caney, 
and  at  San  Juan,  and  what  was  the  severest  test  of  all,  that 
came  later,  in  the  yellow-fever  hospitals." — Bonsai. 


2oS  SAN    JUAN 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


SAN  JUAN   (Continued). 

Kent's  Division:     The  Twenty-fourth  Infantry;  Forming:  Under  Fire— 
A  Gallant  Charge. 

Turning  now  to  the  centre  and  left  of  the  American  Hne  we 
follow  the  advance  of  that  division  of  infantry  commanded 
by  General  Kent,  and  which  met  the  brunt  of  Spanish  resist- 
ance at  San  Juan.  This  division,  known  as  the  First  Division, 
Fifth  Army  Corps,  consisted  of  three  brigades,  composed  as 
follows : 

First  Brigade,  Brigadier-General  Hawkins  commanding, 
made  up  of  the  Sixth  Infantry,  the  Sixteenth  Infantry,  and 
the  Seventy-first  New  York  Volunteers. 

The  Second  Brigade,  Colonel  Pearson  commanding,  made 
up  of  the  Second  Infantry,  the  Tenth  Infantry  and  the 
Twenty-first  Infantry. 

The  Third  Brigade,  commanded  by  Colonel  Wikoff,  in 
which  were  the  Ninth  Infantry,  the  Thirteenth  Infantry  and 
the  Twenty-fourth  Infantry;  in  all  262  officers  and  5,095  men. 
Thus,  in  the  whole  division  there  were  eight  regiments  of 
regular  infantry  and  one  volunteer  regiment,  the  Seventy-first 
New  York. 

Although  our  present  purpose  is  to  bring  into  view  the  spec- 
ial work  of  the  Twent5^-fourth  Infantry,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  embrace  in  our  scope  the  work  of  the  entire  division,  in  or- 
der to  lay  before  the  reader  the  field  upon  which  that  particu- 
lar regiment  won  such  lasting  credit.     General    Kent,    who 


SAN    JUAN  209 

commanded  the  division,  a  most  accomplished  soldier,  gives  a 
lucid  account  of  the  whole  assault  as  seen  from  his  position: 
and  of  the  work  performed  by  his  division,  in  his  report,  dated 
July  8,  1898. 

When  General  Kent's  division  arrived  in  the  neighborhoo:( 
of  the  San  Juan  ford  and  found  itself  under  fire  and  the  trail 
so  blocked  by  troops  of  the  cavalry  division,  which  had  not 
yet  deployed  to  the  right,  that  direct  progress  toward  the  front 
was  next  to  impossible,  the  welcome  information  was  given 
by  the  balloon  managers  that  a  trail  branched  off  to  the  left 
from  the  main  trail,  only  a  short  distance  back  from  the  ford. 
This  trail  led  to  a  ford  some  distance  lower  down  the  stream 
and  nearly  facing  the  works  on  the  enemy's  right.  General 
Kent  on  learning  of  this  outlet  immediately  hastened  back 
to  the  forks  and  meeting  the  Seventy-first  New  York  Regi- 
ment, the  rear  regiment  of  the  First  Brigade,  he  directed  that 
regiment  into  this  trail  toward  the  ford.  The  regiment  was 
to  lead  the  way  through  this  new  trail  and  would  consequently 
arrive  at  the  front  first  on  the  left ;  but  meeting  the  fire  of  the 
enemy,  the  First  Battalion  of  the  regiment  apparently  became 
panic  stricken  and  recoiled  upon  the  rest  of  the  regiment;  the 
regiment  then  lay  dov/n  on  the  sides  of  the  trail  and  in  the 
bushes,  thoroughly  demoralized. 

Wikoff's  brigade  was  now  coming  up  and  it  was  directed 
upon  the  same  trail.  This  brigade  consisted  of  the  Ninth. 
Thirteenth  and  Twenty-fourth.  Colonel  Wikoff  was  directed 
by  General  Kent  to  move  his  brigade  across  the  creek  by  the 
trail  (the  left  fork)  and  when  reaching  the  opposite  side  of 
the  creek  to  put  the  brigade  in  line  on  the  left  of  the  trail  and 
begin  the  attack  at  once.  In  executing  this  order  the  entire 
brigade  stumbled  through  and  over  hundreds  of  men  of  the 

14 


aiO  SAN     tUAN 


Seventy-first  New  York  Regiment.  When  a  volunteer  regi- 
ment broke  through  the  Hnes  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry  from  the 
rear,  that  regiment  was  in  its  place  on  the  field  in  line  of  bat- 
tle, with  its  morale  perfect.  It  was  under  discipline  and  de- 
livering its  fire  with  regularity.  It  had  an  absolute  right  to 
its  place.  The  Seventy-first  was  in  no  such  attitude,  and  Gen- 
eral Kent  directed  the  advance  through  it  in  these  words: 
"Tell  the  brigade  to  pay  no  attention  to  this  sort  of  thing;  it 
is  highly  irregular,"  The  Ninth  Cavalry's  position  was  ex- 
actly regular;  the  position  of  the  Seventh-first  was  to  the  eyes 
of  General  Kent  "highly  irregular." 

The  three  regiments  of  this  brigade  were  to  take  their  po- 
sitions on  the  left  of  the  ford  after  crossing  the  stream,  in 
the  following  order :  On  the  extreme  left  the  Twenty- fourth ; 
next  to  it  in  the  centre  of  the  brigade,  the  Ninth,  and  on  the 
right  of  the  brigade  the  Thirteenth.  In  approaching  the  ford 
the  Ninth  and  Twenty-fourth  became  mixed  and  crossed  in 
the  following  order :  First  one  battalion  of  the  Ninth ;  then  <■ 
battalion  of  the  Twenty- fourth ;  then  the  second  battalion  of 
the  Ninth,  followed  by  the  second  battalion  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth.  The  line  was  formed  under  fire,  and  while  superin- 
tending its  formation  the  brigade  commander.  Colonel  Wikoff, 
<:ame  under  observation  and  was  killed;  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Worth,  who  succeeded  him,  was  seriously  wounded  within  five 
minutes  after  having  taking  command,  and  Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Liscum,  who  next  assumed  charge  of  the  brigade,  had 
hardly  learned  that  he  was  in  command  before  he,  too,  was 
disabled  by  a  Spanish  shot.  By  this  time,  however,  the  for- 
mation was  about  complete  and  the  brigade  ready  to  begin  the 
.advance. 

Leaving  Wikoff's  brigade  in  line  ready  to  begin  the  advance 


SAN    JUAN  2  1  I 

we  must  iiQvv  return  in  our  narrative  to  the  main  ford,  where 
the  major  portions  of  Hawkins'  and  Pearson's  brigades  are 
massed  and  follow  the  various  regiments  as  they  come  to  their 
places  in  the  battle  line  preparing  for  the  onslaught.  After 
crossing  the  ford  with  the  Sixth  Infantry,  pursuant  to  the  or- 
ders given  by  Lieutenant  Miley  in  the  name  of  General 
Shafter,  General  Hawkins  attempted  to  flank  the  enemy  by  a 
movement  to  the  left,  the  Sixth  Infantry  leading  and  the  Six- 
teenth intending  to  pass  beyond  it  in  its  rear  and  join  to  its 
left.  The  Sixth  in  passing  to  its  intended  position  passed  to 
the  left  of  the  Sixth  Cavalry,  which  held  the  left  of  the  line  of 
the  cavalry  division,  which  had  crossed  the  ford  and  deployed 
to  the  right,  reaching  beyond  the  Spanish  lines  in  that  direc- 
tion, or  at  least  it  was  able  to  reach  the  extreme  right  of  the 
enemy.  The  Sixth  Infantry  continued  this  line  southward 
and  it  was  to  be  farther  extended  by  the  Sixteenth.  Before 
this  disposition  could  be  effected  the  fire  of  the  enemy  became 
so  severe  that  an  advance  movement  was  started  and  the  Sixth 
lined  up  facing  the  fort  on  the  hill,  with  only  one  company  and 
a  half  of  the  Sixteenth  on  its  left. 

While  Hawkins'  and  WikofT's  brigades  were  preparing  for 
the  advance  upon  the  enemy's  works,  Pearson's  brigade  was 
approaching  the  ford,  hurrying  to  the  support.  The  Twenty- 
first  Regiment  of  this  brigade  was  detached  from  the  brigade 
and  sent  directly  forward  on  the  main  trail  with  orders  to  re- 
enforce  the  firing  line.  This  regiment  crossed  the  San  Juan 
River  to  the  left  of  the  main  ford  and  rushed  forward  to  sup- 
port Hawkins'  left.  In  the  meantime  the  two  other  regiments 
of  the  brigade,  the  Second  and  Tenth,  which  had  preceded  the 
Twenty-first  in  their  march  from  El  Poso,  had  been  deflected 
to  the  left  by  order  of  the  division  commander  and  were  pass- 


212  SAN    JUAN 

ing  to  the  front  over  the  trail  previously  taken  by  Wikoff's 
brigade,  crossing  the  San  Juan  at  the  lower  ford.  The  Tenth 
crossed  in  advance  and  formed  in  close  order  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  stream,  its  line  facing  northwest.  It  was  soon 
after,  however,  put  in  battle  formation  and  moved  to  the  right 
until  it  connected  with  the  Twenty-first.  The  Second  Regi- 
ment crossed  the  ford  in  the  rear  of  the  Tenth,  having  beer 
delayed  considerably  by  the  Seventh-first  New  York  Volun- 
teers, who  still  blocked  the  way  between  the  forks  and  the 
lower  ford.  After  crossing  the  ford  the  Second  put  itself  in 
line  on  the  left  of  the  Tenth,  the  whole  brigade  being  now  in 
position  to  support  the  First  and  Third  Brigades  in  their 
charge. 

This  movement  of  Colonel  Pearson's  brigade  had  not  been 
made  without  hardship  and  loss.  All  of  the  regiments  cami; 
under  the  enemy's  fire  before  reaching  the  San  Juan  River  and 
many  men  were  killed  or  wounded  while  the  regiments  were 
gaining  their  positions.  The  movement  was  so  well  executed 
as  to  call  forth  from  the  division  commander  the  following 
enconium :  "I  observed  this  movement  from  the  Fort  San 
Juan  Hill.  Colonel  E.  P.  Pearson,  Tenth  Infantry,  command- 
ing the  Second  Brigade,  and  the  officers  and  troops  under  his 
command  deserve  great  credit  for  the  soldierly  manner  in 
which  this  movement  was  executed." 

Although  we  left  Wikoflf's  brigade  standing  in  line  on  the 
left  of  the  lov/er  ford,  we  must  not  imagine  that  it  remained 
in  that  position  until  the  above  movement  on  the  part  of  the 
Second  Brigade  had  been  accomplished.  There  was  no  stand- 
ing still  in  the  fierce  fire  to  which  the  men  of  that  brigade  were 
at  that  time  subjected — a  fire  which  had  already  cut  down  in, 
rj.pid  succession  three  brigade  commanders.     The  formation 


SAN-    JUAN  213 

Was  no  sooner  completed  than  the  rapid  advance  began.  The 
Thirteenth  Infantry  holding  the  right  of  the  brigade  moved 
to  the  right  and  front,  while  the  Ninth  and  Twenty- 
fourth  moved  almost  directly  to  the  front  at  first,  thus  par- 
tially gaining  the  flank  of  the  enemy's  position.  The  whole 
line  moved  with  great  rapidity  across  the  open  field  and  up  the 
hill,  so  that  when  the  Second  and  Tenth  Infantry  came  to  their 
position  as  support,  the  heroic  Third  Brigade  was  well  up  the 
heights.  To  the  right  of  the  Third  Brigade  the  First  Bri- 
gade, containing  the  gallant  Sixth,  under  Colonel  Egbert,  and 
the  Sixteenth,  was  advancing  also,  and  the  two  brigades  ar- 
rived at  the  fort  almost  simultaneously;  so  that  the  division 
commander  in  speaking  of  the  capture  says :  "Credit  is  al- 
most equally  due  the  Sixth,  Ninth,  Thirteenth,  Sixteenth  and 
Twenty-fourth  Regiments  of  Infantry."  To  the  Third  Bri- 
gade he  gives  the  credit  of  turning  the  enemy's  right. 

Let  us  now  examine  more  closely  that  sweep  of  the  Third 
Brigade  from  the  left  of  the  lower  ford  to  San  Juan  Hill,  in 
order  to  trace  more  distinctly  the  pathway  of  honor  made  for 
itself  by  the  Twenty- fourth.  This  regiment  formed  left  front 
into  line  under  fire  and  advanced  over  the  flat  in  good  order, 
and  then  reformed  under  shelter  of  the  hill  preparatory  to  the 
final  charge  upon  the  enemy's  intrenchments.  The  experience 
of  the  companies  in  crossing  the  flat  is  told  by  the  company 
commanders.  One  company  under  the  orders  of  its  captain 
formed  line  of  skirmishers  and  advanced  in  good  order  at 
rapid  gait,  reaching  the  foot  of  the  hill  almost  exhausted. 
This  was  about  the  experience  of  all,  but  this  company  is  men- 
tioned because  it  was  the  first  company  of  the  regiment  to 
reach  the  top  of  the  hill.  In  crossing  the  flat  there  was  neces- 
sarily some  mixing  of  companies  and  in  some  instances  men 


214.  SAN    JUAN 

were  separated  from  their  officers,  but  those  who  escaped  the 
enemy's  bullets  made  their  way  across  that  plain  of  fire  and 
were  ready  to  join  in  the  charge  up  the  hill  where  only  brave 
men  could  go. 

There  was  but  a  moment"  s  pause  for  breath  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill  and  the  general  charge  all  along  the  line  began,  the 
Sixth  Infantry  probably  taking  the  initiative,  although  the 
gallant  Colonel  Egbert,  of  that  regiment  (since  killed  in  the 
Philippines),  makes  no  such  claim.  In  his  farewell  official  re- 
port of  the  Sixth  he  thus  describes  the  final  act : 

"We  were  now  unexpectedly  re-enforced.  Lieutenant 
Parker,  made  aware  by  the  heavy  fire  from  the  hill  that  a  con- 
flict was  going  on  in  his  front,  opened  fire  with  his  Catlings 
most  effectively  on  the  intrenchments,  while  from  far  down  on 
my  left  I  heard  cheering  and  shouts,  and  saw  coming  up  the 
slope  towards  us  a  multitude  of  skirmishers.  As  they  drew 
nearer  we  distinguished  the  tall  figure  of  Ceneral  Hawkins, 
with  his  aide,  Lieutenant  Ord,  Sixth  Infantry,  charging  at 
the  head  of  the  skirmishers  and  waving  their  hats.  When  the 
charge  came  up  nearly  abreast  of  where  the  Sixth  stood  in 
the  road  I  ordered  the  companies  out  through  the  gaps  in  the 
wire  fence  to  join  it,  and  they  complied  with  the  same  alacrity 
and  enthusiasm  that  they  had  displayed  in  entering  this  bloody 
field.  The  Catlings  redoubled  their  fierce  grinding  of  bullets 
on  the  Spanish,  despite  which  there  still  came  a  savage  fire 
from  the  blockhouse  and  trenches.  Here  the  gallant  Captain 
Wetherell,  Sixth  Infantry,  fell,  shot  through  the  forehead,  at 
the  head  of  his  company,  and  I  received  a  Mauser  bullet 
through  the  left  lung,  which  disabled  me.  But  the  blood  of 
the  troops  was  now  up,  and  no  loss  of  officers  or  men  could 
stop  them.     They  charged  up  the  incline  until,  coming  to  a 


.SAN    JUAN  215 

Steep  ridge  near  the  top,  they  were  brought  to  a  stand  by  the 
hail  of  bullets  from  the  Gatlings  against  the  summit.  As 
soon  as  this  could  be  stopped  by  a  signal,  the  mingled  troops 
of  the  Sixth,  Sixteenth,  Thirteenth  and  Twenty-fourth  swept 
up  and  over  the  hill  and  it  was  won." 

From  testimony  gathered  on  the  evening  of  the  fight  it 
was  concluded  that  there  were  more  men  of  the  Twenty-fourth 
Infantry  on  the  ridge  in  this  first  occupation  than  of  any  other 
regiment,  but  all  of  the  regiments  of  the  division  had  done 
admirably  and  the  brave  blacks  of  the  Twenty-fourth  won  on 
that  day  a  standing  in  arms  with  the  bravest  of  the  brave. 

The  Spaniards  although  driven  from  their  first  line,  by  no 
means  gave  up  the  fight ;  but  retreating  to  a  line  of  intrench- 
ments  about  eight  hundred  yards  in  the  rear  they  opened  upon 
the  new-comers  a  fire  almost  as  hot  as  before,  and  the  troops 
found  it  difficult  to  hold  what  they  had  gained.  The  sup- 
porting regiments  were  coming  up  and  strengthening  the  line, 
the  men  meanwhile  entrenching  themselves  under  fire  as 
rapidly  as  possible.  The  Thirteenth  Infantry  was  immediately 
ordered  off  to  the  right  to  assist  the  cavalry  division,  espec- 
ially the  Rough  Riders,  who  were  said  to  be  in  danger  of  hav- 
ing their  flank  turned.    Here  it  remained  under  fire  all  night. 

The  advance  and  charge  of  the  Twenty-fourth  made  up 
only  a  part  of  the  advance  and  charge  of  the  Third  Brigade; 
and  this  in  turn  was  part  of  the  attack  and  assault  made  by  the 
whole  infantry  division;  a  movement  also  participated  in  at 
the  same  hour  by  the  cavalry  division;  so  that  regarded  as  a 
whole,  it  was  a  mighty  blow  delivered  on  the  enemy's  right 
and  centre  by  two-thirds  of  the  American  Army,  and  its  effect 
was  stunning,  although  its  full  weight  had  not  been  realized 
by  the  foe.     The  part  sustamed  in  the  assault  by  each  regi- 


2l6  SAN    JUAN 

ment  may  be  estimated  by  the  losses  experienced  by  each  in 
killed  and  wounded.  Judged  by  this  standard  the  brunt  fell 
upon  the  Sixth,  Sixteenth,  Thirteenth  and  Twenty-fourth,  all 
of  which  regiments  lost  heavily,  considering-  the  short  time  of 
the  action. 

The  movement  by  which  the  Twenty-fourth  reached  its 
position  on  that  memorable  ist  of  July  has  called  forth  es- 
pecial mention  by  the  regimental  commander  and  by  the  acting 
Assistant  Adjutant-General  of  the  brigade;  it  was  also  noted 
immediately  lifter  the  battle  by  all  the  newspaper  writers  as 
one  of  the  striking  occurrences  of  the  day.  The  regiment 
on  coming  under  fire  marched  about  one  mile  by  the  left  flank, 
and  then  formed  left  front  into  line  on  its  leading  company, 
Company  G,  commanded  by  Captain  Brereton.  The  first  man 
of  the  regiment  to  take  position  in  the  line  was  the  First  Ser- 
-geant  of  G  Company,  R.  G.  Woods.  This  company  when 
reaching  its  position  formed  on  left  into  line,  under  a  severe 
fire  in  front  and  a  fire  in  the  rear;  the  other  companies  form- 
ing in  the  same  manner,  with  more  or  less  regularity,  to  its 
left.  As  soon  as  the  line  was  formed  the  order  was  given  to 
charge.  The  advance  was  made  across  an  open  meadow,  dur- 
ing which  several  officers  were  wounded,  among-  them  the 
officers  of  Company  F,  the  command  of  that  company  devolv- 
ing upon  its  First  Sergeant,  William  Rainey,  who  conducted 
the  company  successfully  to  the  crest  of  the  hill. 

The  description  of  the  movement  of  Company  D  as  given 
by  Lieutenant  Kerwin,  who  was  placed  in  command  of  that 
company  after  its  officers  had  been  shot,  is  a  very  interesting 
document.  Lieutenant  Kerwin  claims  to  have  made  his  report 
from  "close  inquiries  and  from  personal  observation."  Ac- 
cording to  this  report  the  company  was  led  across   the   San 


SAN    JUAN  -217 

Juan  Creek  by  its  Captain  (Ducat),  the  Second  Lieutenant  of 
the  company  (Gurney)  following-  it,  and  keeping  the  men  well 
closed  up.  While  crossing,  the  company  encountered  a  ter- 
rific fire,  and  after  advancing  about  ten  yards  beyond  the 
stream  went  through  a  wire  fence  to  the  right,  and  advanced  to 
an  embankment  about  twenty  yards  from  the  right  bank  of  the 
stream.  Here  Captain  Ducat  gave  the  order  to  advance  to 
the  attack  and  the  whole  company  opened  out  in  good  order 
in  line  of  skirmishers  and  moved  rapidly  across  the  open  plain 
to  the  foot  of  San  Juan  Hill.  In  making  this  movemeni 
across  the  plain  the  line  was  under  fire  and  the  brave  Lieuten- 
ant Gurney  was  killed,  and  First  Sergeant  Ellis,  Corporal 
Keys  and  Privates  Robinson  and  Johnson  wounded.  It  was 
a  race  with  death,  but  the  company  arrived  at  the  base  of  the 
hill  in  good  form,  though  well-nigh  exhausted.  After  breath- 
ing a  moment  the  men  were  ready  to  follow  their  intrepid  com- 
mander. Captain  Ducat,  up  the  hill,  and  at  twelve  o'clock  they 
gained  the  summit,  being  the  first  company  of  the  regiment  to 
reach  the  top  of  the  hill.  Just  as  they  reached  the  crest  the 
brave  Ducat  fell,  shot  through  the  hip,  probably  by  a  Spanish 
sharpshooter,  thus  depriving  the  company  of  its  last  commis- 
sioned officer,  and  leaving  its  first  sergeant  also  disabled. 

The  commander  of  the  regiment  speaks  of  its  doings  in  a 
very  modest  manner,  but  in  a  tone  to  give  the  reader  confi- 
dence in  what  he  says.  He  became  temporarily  separated  from 
the  regiment,  but  made  his  way  to  the  crest  of  the  hill  in  com- 
pany with  the  Adjutant  and  there  found  a  part  of  his  com- 
mand. He  says  a  creditable  number  of  the  men  of  his  regi- 
ment reached  the  top  of  the  hill  am.ong  the  first  to  arrive  there. 
The  commander  of  the  Second  Battalion,  Captain  Wygant, 
crossed  the  meadow,  or  flat,  some  distance  ahead  of  the  bat- 


2l8  SAN    JUAN 

taJion,  but  as  the  men  subsequently  charged  up  the  hill,  he 
was  unable  to  keep  up  with  them,  so  rapid  was  their  gait.  It 
was  from  this  battalion  that  Captain  Ducat's  company  broke 
away  and  charged  on  the  right  of  the  battalion,  arriving,  as 
has  been  said,  first  on  the  top  of  the  hill.  As  the  regiment 
arrived  Captain  Wygant,  finding  himself  the  ranking  officer 
on  the  ground,  assembled  it  and  assigned  each  company  its 
place.  Captain  Dodge,  who  commanded  Company  C  in  this 
assault,  and  who  subsequently  died  in  the  yellow  fever  hospi- 
tal at  Siboney,  mentions  the  fact  that  Captain  Wygant  led 
the  advance  in  person,  and  says  that  in  the  charge  across  the 
open  field  the  three  companies,  C,  B  and  H,  became  so  inter- 
mixed that  it  was  impossible  for  the  company  commanders  to 
distinguish  their  own  men  from  those  of  the  other  companies, 
yet  he  says  he  had  the  names  of  twenty  men  of  his  own  com- 
pany who  reached  the  trenches  at  Fort  San  Juan  in  that  peril- 
ous rush  on  that  fiery  mid-day.  The  testimony  of  all  the  offi- 
cers of  the  regiment  is  to  the  effect  that  the  men  behaved 
splendidly,  and  eight  of  them  have  been  given  Certificates  of 
Merit  for  gallantry  in  the  action  of  July  i. 

The  losses  of  the  regiment  in  that  advance  were  numerous, 
the  killed,  wounded  and  missing  amounted  to  96,  which  num- 
l)er  was  swelled  to  104  during  the  next  two  days.  So  many 
men  falling  in  so  short  a  time  while  advancing  in  open  order 
tells  how  severe  was  the  fire  they  were  facing  and  serves  to 
modify  the  opinion  which  was  so  often  expressed  about  the 
time  the  war  broke  out,  to  the  effect  that  the  Spanish  soldiers 
were  wanting  both  in  skill  and  bravery.  They  contradicted 
this  both  at  El  Caney  and  at  San  Juan.  In  the  latter  con- 
flict they  held  their  ground  until  the  last  moment  and  in- 
flicted a  loss  upon  their  assailants  equal  to  the  number  en- 


SAN    JUAN 


219 


gaged  in  the  defence  of  the  heights.  Since  July  i,  1898,  ex- 
patiation  on  the  cowardice  and  lack  of  skill  of  the  Spanish 
soldier  has  ceased  to  be  a  profitable  literary  occupation.  Too 
many  journalists  and  correspondents  were  permitted  to  wit- 
ness the  work  of  Spanish  sharpshooters,  and  to  see  their  ob- 
stinate resistance  to  the  advance  of  our  troops,  to  allow  com- 
ments upon  the  inefficiency  of  the  Spanish  Army  to  pass  un- 
noticed. Our  arniy  from  the  beginning  was  well  impressed 
with  the  character  of  the  foe  and  nerved  itself  accordingly. 
The  bravery  of  our  own  soldiers  was  fully  recognized  by  the 
men  who  surrendered  to  our  army  and  who  were  capable  of  ap- 
preciating it,  because  they  themselves  were  not  wanting  in  the 
same  qualities. 


*"The  intrenchments  of  San  Juan  were  defended  by  two  companies 
of  Spanish  infantry,  numbering  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  three 
hundred  men.  At  about  11  o'clock  in  the  morning  reinforcements  were 
sent  to  them,  bringing  the  number  up  to  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
men.  There  were  two  pieces  of  mountain  artillery  on  these  hills,  the 
rest  of  the  artillery  fire  against  our  troops  on  that  day  being  from  bat- 
teries close  to  the  city." — In  Cuba  with  Shafter  (Miley),  page  117. 


THE   SURRENDER   AND   AFIKRWARDS 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  SURRENDER.  AND  AFTERWARDS. 

In  the  Trenches — The  Twenty- fourth  in  the   Fever  Camp — Are   Negro 
Soldiers  Immune? — Camp  Wikoff. 

After  the  battle  of  El  Caney  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry 
started  for  the  mango  grove,  where  the  blanket  rolls  and 
haversacks  had  been  left  in  the  morning,  and  on  its  way  passed 
the  Second  Massachusetts  Volunteers  standing  by  the  road- 
.side.  This  regiment  had  seen  the  charge  of  the  Twenty-fifth 
up  the  hillside,  and  they  now  manifested  their  appreciation 
of  the  gallantry  of  the  black  regulars  in  an  ovation  of  applause 
and  cheers.  This  was  the  foundation  for  Sergeant  Harris' 
reply  when  on  another  occasion  seeing  the  manifest  kind 
feelings  of  this  regiment  to  the  Twenty-fifth,  I  remarked: 
"Those  men  think  you  are  soldiers."  "They  know  we  are  sol- 
diers," replied  the  sergeant.  The  regiment  bivouacked  in  the 
main  road  leading  from  El  Caney  to  Santiago,  but  sleep  was 
out  of  the  question.  What  with  the  passing  of  packtrains  and 
artillery,  and  the  issuing  of  rations  and  ammunition,  the  first 
half  of  the  night  gave  no  time  for  rest;  and  shortly  after  12 
o'clock,  apprehensions  of  a  Spanish  attack  put  every  one  on 
the  alert.  At  3.30  the  march  to  the  rear  was  commenced  and 
the  entire  division  passed  around  by  El  Poso  and  advanced  to 
the  front  by  the  Aguadores  road,  finally  reaching  a  position  on 
Wheeler's  right  about  noon,  July  2. 

Subsequently  the  line  of  investment  was  extended  to  the 
right,  the  Cuban  forces  under  General  Garcia  holding  the  ex- 


THE   SURRENDER    AND    AFTERWARDS  23  1 

treme  right  connecting  with  the  water  front  on  that  side  of  the 
city.  Next  to  them  came  Ludlow's  McKibben's  and  Chaffee's 
forces.  In  McKibben's  brigade  was  the  Twenty-fifth,  which 
dug  its  last  trench  on  Cuban  soil  on  July  14th,  on  the  railroad 
running  out  from  Santiago  to  the  northwest.  This  intrench- 
ment  was  the  nearest  to  the  city  made  by  any  American  or- 
ganization, and  in  this  the  regiment  remained  until  the  sur- 
render. 

The  Twenty-fourth  remained  entrenched  over  to  the  left, 
in  General  Kent's  division,  lying  to  the  right  of  the  21st.  Thi.s 
regiment  (24th)  had  won  great  credit  in  its  advance  upon  the 
enemy,  but  it  was  to  win  still  greater  in  the  field  of  humanity. 
Capt.  Leavel,  who  commanded  Company  A,  said :  "It  would  be 
hard  to  particularize  in  reporting  upon  the  men  of  the  com- 
pany. All — non-commissioned  officers,  privates,  even  newly 
joined  recruits — showed  a  desire  to  do  their  duty,  yea,  more 
than  their  duty,  which  would  have  done  credit  to  seasoned  vet- 
erans. Too  much  cannot  be  said  of  their  courage,  willingness 
and  endurance."  Captain  Wygant,  who  commanded  the  Sec- 
ond Battalion  of  the  regiment,  says  :  "The  gallantry  and  bear- 
ing shown  by  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  regiment  under 
this  trying  ordeal  was  such  that  it  has  every  reason  to  be  proud 
of  its  record.  The  losses  of  the  regiment,  which  are  shown  by 
the  official  records,  show  the  fire  they  were  subjected  to.  The 
casualties  were  greater  among  the  officers  than  the  men,  which 
is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  enemy  had  posted  in  the 
trees  sharpshooters,  whose  principal  business  was  to  pick  them 
off."  There  is  no  countenance  given  in  official  literature  to 
the  absurd  notion  maintained  by  some,  that  it  was 
necessary  for  the  officers  of  black  troops  to  expose  themselves 
unusually  in  order  to  lead  their  troops,  and  that  this  fact  ac- 


222  THE    SURRENDER    AND    AFTERWARDS 

counts  for  excessive  losses  among  them.  The  fact  is  that  the 
regular  officer's  code  is  such  that  he  is  compelled  to  occupy 
the  place  in  battle  assigned  him  in  the  tactics,  and  no  matter 
how  great  his  cowardice  of  heart  may  be,  he  must  go  forward 
until  ordered  to  halt.  The  penalty  of  cowardice  is  something 
to  be  dreaded  above  wounds  or  even  death  by  some  natures. 
"Colored  troops  are  brave  men  when  led  by  white  officers." (  ?) 
As  a  matter  of  fact  there  is  very  little  leading  of  any  sort  by 
officers  in  battle.  The  officer's  place  is  in  the  rear  of  the  fir- 
ing line,  directing,  not  leading,  and  it  is  his  right  and  duty  to 
save  his  own  life  if  possible,  and  that  of  every  man  in  his  com- 
mand, even  v/hile  seeking  to  destroy  the  enemy,  in  obedience 
lo  orders.  The  record  of  the  Twenty-fourth  for  bravery  was 
established  beyond  question  when  it  swept  across  that  open  flat 
and  up  San  Juan  Hill  on  that  hot  mid-day  of  July  ist,  1898. 

After  lying  in  the  trenches  until  July  15th,  the  news 
reached  the  camp  of  the  Twenty-fourth  that  yellow  fever 
had  broken  out  in  the  army,  and  that  a  large  hospital  and 
pest-house  had  been  established  at  Siboney.  About  4  o'clock 
that  day  an  order  came  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
regiment  directing  him  to  proceed  with  his  regiment  to  Sib- 
oney and  report  to  the  medical  officer  there.  The  regiment 
started  on  its  march  at  5.30,  numbering  at  that  time  8  com- 
panies, containing  15  officers  and  456  men.  Marching  on  in 
the  night,  going  through  thickets  and  across  streams,  the  men 
were  heard  singing  a  fine  old  hymn : 

When  through  the  deep  waters  I  call  thee  to  go, 
The  rivers  of  woe  shall  not  thee  o'erflow; 
For  I  will  be  with  thee,  thy  troubles  to  bless. 
And  sanctify  to  thee  they  deepest  distress. 


THE  SURREXDER  AND  AFTERWARDS  223 

In  view  of  what  was  before  them,  the  words  were  very  ap- 
propriate. They  arrived  on  the  hill  at  Siboney  at  3.30  on  the 
morning  of  July  i6th. 

Without  discussing  the  graphic  story  told  by  correspond- 
ents of  the  highest  respectability  describing  the  regiment  as 
volunteering,  to  a  man,  to  nurse  the  sick  and  dying  at  Sib- 
oney, we  will  rather  follow  the  official  records  of  their  doings 
in  that  fever-stricken  place.  On  arriving  at  Siboney  on  the 
morning  of  July  16,  Sunday,  Major  Markely,  then  in  com- 
mand of  the  regiment,  met  Colonel  Greenleaf  of  the  Medical 
Department,  and  informed  him  that  the  Twenty-fourth  In- 
fantry was  on  the  ground.  Colonel  Greenleaf  was  just  leav- 
ing the  post,  but  Major  La  Garde,  his  successor,  manifested 
his  great  pleasure  in  seeing  this  form  of  assistance  arrive. 
Such  a  scene  of  misery  presented  itself  to  Major  Markely's 
eyes  that  he,  soldier  as  he  was,  was  greatly  affected,  and  as- 
sured Major  La  Garde  that  he  was  prepared  personally  to  sink 
every  other  consideration  and  devote  himself  to  giving  what 
assistance  he  could  in  caring  for  the  sick,  and  that  he  believed 
his  whole  regiment  would  feel  as  he  did  when  they  came  to 
.see  the  situation.  In  this  he  was  not  mistaken.  The  officers 
and  men  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Infantry  did  give  themselves 
up  to  the  care  of  the  sick  and  dying,  furnishing  all  help  in 
their  power  until  their  own  health  and  strength  gave  way,  in 
some  instances  laying  down  even  their  lives  in  this  noble  work. 

On  the  day  of  arrival  seventy  men  were  called  for  to  nurse 
yellow  fever  patients  and  do  other  work  about  the  hospital. 
More  than  this  number  immediately  volunteered  to  enter  upon 
a  service  which  they  could  well  believe  meant  death  to  some 
of  them.  The  camp  was  so  crowded  and  filthy  that  the  work 
of  cleaning  it  was  begun  at  once  by  the  men  of  the  Twenty- 


224  'fHE    SURRENDER    AND    AFTERWARDS 

fourth,  and  day  by  day  they  labored  as  their  strength  would 
permit,  in  policing  the  camp,  cooking  the  food  for  themselves 
and  for  the  hospital,  unloading  supplies,  taking  down  and  re- 
moving tents,  and  numberless  other  details  of  necessary  labor. 
Despite  all  the  care  that  could  be  taken  under  such  conditions 
as  were  found  at  Siboney,  the  yellow  fever  soon  overran  the 
entire  c^mp,  and  of  the  i6  officers  of  the  regiment,  i  had  died, 
2  more  were  expected  to  die;  3  were  dangerously  ill,  and  5 
more  or  less  so.  Out  of  the  whole  sixteen  there  were  but  three 
really  fit  for  duty,  and  often  out  of  the  whole  regiment  it 
would  be  impossible  to  get  12  men  who  could  go  on  fatigue 
duty.  Out  of  the  456  men  who  marched  to  Siboney  only  24 
escaped  sickness,  and  on  one  day  241  were  down.  Those  who 
would  recover  remained  weak  and  unfit  for  labor.  Silently, 
without  murmuring,  did  these  noble  heroes,  officers  and  men. 
stand  at  their  post  ministering  to  the  necessities  of  their  fel- 
lowman  until  the  welcome  news  came  that  the  regiment  would 
be  sent  north  and  the  hospital  closed  as  soon  as  possible.  On 
August  8  Major  La  Garde,  more  entitled  to  the  honor  of  be- 
ing classed  among  the  heroes  of  Santiago  than  some  whose  op- 
portunities of  brilliant  display  were  vastly  superior,  succumbed 
to  the  disease.  The  fact  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  all  of 
these  men,  officers,  soldiers  and  surgeons,  went  upon  this  pest- 
house  duty  after  the  severe  labors  of  assault  of  July  1-2,  and 
the  two  weeks  of  terrible  strain  and  exposure  in  the  trenches 
before  Santiago,  and  with  the  sick  and  wounded  consequent 
upon  these  battles  and  labors — none  were  strong. 

On  July  1 6th,  the  day  after  the  Twenty- fourth  left  the 
trenches,  the  surrender  was  made  and  on  the  next  morning  the 
final  ceremonies  of  turning  over  Santiago  to  the  American 
forces  took  place,  and  the  soldiers  were  allowed  to  come  out 


THE   SURRENDER   AND   AFTERWARDS  225 

of  their  ditches  and  enter  into  more  comfortable  camps.  The 
hardships  of  the  period  after  the  surrender  were  not  much  less 
than  those  experienced  while  in  the  lines. 

On  the  26th  of  August  the  Twenty-fourth  Infantry,  having 
obtained  an  honorable  release  from  its  perilous  duty,  marched 
out  of  Siboney  with  band  playing  and  colors  flying  to  go  on 
board  the  transport  for  Montauk;  but  of  the  456  men  who 
marched  into  Siboney,  only  198  were  able  to  march  out,  di- 
rected by  9  out  of  the  15  officers  that  marched  in  with  them. 
Altogether  there  were  11  officers  and  289  men  who  went  on 
board  the  transport,  but  all  except  the  number  first  given  were 
unable  to  take  their  places  in  the  ranks.  They  went  on  board 
the  steamer  Nueces,  and  coming  from  an  infected  camp,  no 
doubt  great  care  was  taken  that  the  transport  should  arrive 
at  its  destination  in  a  good  condition.  Although  there  was 
sickness  on  board,  there  were  no  deaths  on  the  passage,  and 
the  Nueces  arrived  in  port  "one  of  the  cleanest  ships  that  came 
to  that  place."  The  official  report  states  that  the  Nueces  ar- 
rived at  Montauk  Point  September  2,  with  385  troops  on 
board;  28  sick,  no  deaths  on  the  voyage,  and  not  infected. 
Worn  out  by  the  hard  service  the  regiment  remained  a  short 
time  at  Montauk  and  then  returned  to  its  former  station,  Fort 
Douglass,  Utah,  leaving  its  camp  at  Montauk  in  such  a  thor- 
oughly creditable  condition  as  to  elicit  official  remark. 

While  the  Twenty-fourth  Infantry  had  without  doubt  the 
hardest  service,  after  the  surrender,  of  any  of  the  colored  regi- 
ments, the  others  were  not  slumbering  at  ease.  Lying  in  the 
trenches  almost  constantly  for  tw^o  weeks,  drenched  with  rains, 
scorched  by  the  burning  sun  at  times,  and  chilled  by  cool 
nights,  subsisting  on  food  not  of  the  best  and  poorly  cooked, 
cut  off  from  news  and  kept  in  suspense,  when  the  surrender 
15 


2  26  THB   SURRENDER    AND   AFTERWARDS 

finally  came  it  found  our  army  generally  very  greatly  re- 
duced in  vital  force.  During  the  period  following,  from  July 
1 6th  to  about  the  same  date  in  August  the  re-action  fell  with 
all  its  weight  upon  the  troops,  rendering  them  an  easy  prey  to 
the  climatic  influences  by  which  they  were  surrounded.* 
Pernicious  malarial  fever,  bowel  troubles  and  yellow  fever 
were  appearing  in  all  the  regiments ;  and  the  colored  troops 
appeared  as  susceptible  as  their  white  comrades.  The  theory 
had  been  advanced  that  they  were  less  susceptible  to  malarial 
fever,  and  in  a  certain  sense  this  appears  to  be  true;  but  the 
experience  of  our  army  in  Cuba,  as  well  as  army  statistics  pub- 
lished before  the  Cuban  War,  do  not  bear  out  the  popular  view 
of  the  theory.  The  best  that  can  be  said  from  the  experience 
of  Cuba  is  to  the  eft'ect  that  the  blacks  may  be  less  liable  to 
yellow  fever  and  may  more  quickly  rally  from  the  effects  of 
malarial  fever.  These  conclusions  are,  however,  by  no  means 
well  established.  The  Twenty-fourth  suffered  excessively 
from  fevers  of  both  kinds,  and  in  the  judgment  of  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  regiment  ''effectually  showed  that  col- 
ored soldiers  were  not  more  immune  from  Cuban  fever  than 
white."  but  we  must  remember  that  the  service  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth  was  exceptional.  The  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  lost  but 
one  man  during  the  whole  campaign  from  climatic  disease, 
John  A.  Lewis,  and  it  is  believed  that  could  he  have  received 
proper  medical  care  his  life  would  have  been  saved.  Yet  this 
resfiment  suffered  severelv  from  fever  as  did  also  the  Ninth 
and  Tenth  Cavalry. 

Arriving  at  Montauk*  early  the  author  had  the  opportunity 
to  see  the  whole  of  the  Fifth  Army  Corps  disembark  on  its 


*"After  the  surrender,  dear  Chaplain,  the  real  trouble  and  difficulties 
began.  Such  a  period,  from  July  14,  i89<S  to  August  14.  1898,  was  never 
before  known  to  human  beings,  I  hope.    The  starving  time  was  nothing 


THE   SURRENDER   AND   AFTERWARDS  227 

return  from  Cuba,  and  was  so  impressed  with  its  forlorn  ap- 
pearance that  he  then  wrote  of  it  as  coming  home  on  stretch- 
ers. Pale,  emaciated,  weak  and  halting,  they  came,  with  3,252 
sick,  and  reporting  87  deaths  on  the  voyage.  But,  as  General 
Wheeler  said  in  his  report,  "the  great  bulk  of  the  troops  thai 
were  at  Santiago  were  by  no  means  well."  Never  before  had 
the  people  seen  an  army  of  stalwart  men  so  suddenly  trans- 
formed into  an  army  of  invalids.  And  yet  while  all  the  regi- 
ments arriving  showed  the  effects  of  the  hardships  they  had 
endured,  the  black  regulars,  excepting  the  Twenty-fourth  In- 
fantry, appeared  to  have  slightly  the  advantage.  The  arrival 
of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  in  "good  condition"  was  an  early  cheer- 
ing item  in  the  stream  of  suffering  and  debility  landing  from 
the  transports.  Seeing  all  of  the  troops  land  and  remaining 
at  Camp  Wikoff  until  its  days  were  nearly  numbered,  thu 
writer  feels  sure  that  the  colored  troops  arrived  from  the 
front  in  as  good  condition  as  the  best,  and  that  they  re- 
cuperated with  marked  comparative  rapidity. 

The  chaplain  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  while  en  route 
to  join  his  regiment  at  Montauk,  thinking  seriously  over  the 
condition  of  the  men  returning  from  such  a  hard  experience, 
concluded  that  nothing  would  be  more  grateful  to  them  than  a 
reasonable  supply  of  ripe  fruit,  fresh  from  the  orchards  and 


to  the  fever  time,  where  scores  died  per  day.  We  were  not  permitted  to 
starve;  but  had  fever,  and  had  it  bad:  semi-decayed  beef,  both  from  re- 
frigerators and  from  cans.  We  had  plenty  of  fever,  but  no  clothing 
until  very  late;  no  medicine  save  a  little  quinine  which  was  forced  into 
you  all  the  time,  intermittent  only  with  bad  meat." — Extract  from  a 
soldier's  letter. 

While  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  was  in  camp  at  Chickamauga  Park  I 
was  ordered  to  Xenia,  Ohio,  on  recruiting  duty,  and  on  July  5,  on  seeing 
the  reports  of  the  wounded  I  asked  officially  to  be  ordered  to  my  regiment. 
An  order  to  that  effect  came  about  a  month  later,  directing  me  to  join  my 
regiment  by  way  of  Tampa,  Florida.  Arriving  in  Tampa,  my  destination 
was  changed  by  telegraph  to  Montauk  Point,  N.  Y.,  whither  I  arrived  a 
few  days  before  the  regiment  did. 


2  28  THE   SURRENDER    AND    AFTERWARDS 

fields.  He  therefore  sent  a  dispatch  to  the  Daily  Evening 
News,  published  in  Bridgeton,  N.  J.,  asking  the  citizens  of 
that  community  to  contribute  a  carload  of  melons  and  fruits 
for  the  men  of  the  Twenty-fifth,  or  for  the  whole  camp,  if  they 
so  wished.  Subsequently  mentioning  the  fact  to  the  com- 
manding ofiicer  of  the  regiment,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Daggett, 
he  heartily  commended  the  idea,  believing  that  the  fruit  would 
be  very  beneficial.  The  good  people  of  Bridgeton  took  hold  of 
the  matter  heartily,  and  in  a  short  time  forwarded  to  the  regi- 
ment more  than  four  hundred  of  Jersey's  finest  watermelons, 
fresh  from  the  vines.  These  were  distributed  judiciously  and 
the  health  of  the  men  began  to  improve  forthwith.  Soon 
five  hundred  more  arrived,  sent  by  a  patriotic  citizen  of  Phila- 
delphia. These  were  also  distributed.  Ladies  of  Brooklyn 
forwarded  peaches  and  vegetables,  and  supplies  of  all  sorts 
now  were  coming  in  abundance.  Our  men  improved  so 
rapidly  as  to  be  the  occasion  of  remark  by  correspondents  of 
the  press.  They  were  spoken  of  as  being  apparently  in  good 
condition.  While  engaged  in  the  work  of  supplying  their 
physicial  wants  the  chaplain  was  taken  to  task  by  a  correspond- 
dent  of  Leslie's  for  being  too  much  concerned  in  getting  a  car- 
load of  watermelons  for  his  regiment,  to  go  over  to  a  grave- 
yard and  pray  over  the  dead.  The  next  day  the  chaplain  made 
haste  to  go  over  to  that  particular  graveyard  to  relieve  the 
country  from  the  crying  shame  that  the  correspondent  had 
pointed  out,  only  to  find  two  men  already  there  armed  with 
prayer-books  and  one  of  them  especially  so  fearful  that  he  would 
not  get  a  chance  to  read  a  prayer  over  a  dead  soldier,  that  the 
chaplain  found  it  necessary  to  assure  him  that  the  opportunity 
to  pray  should  not  be  taken  from  him ;  and  thus  another  popu- 
lar horror  was  found  to  be  without  reality. 


THE   SURRENDER   AND    AFTERWARDS  229 

The  colored  ladies  of  Brooklyn  organized  a  Soldiers'  Aid 
Society,  and  besides  contributing  in  a  general  way,  as  already 
mentioned,  also  made  and  presented  to  the  soldiers  about  four 
hundred  home-made  pies,  which  were  most  highly  appreciated. 
They  also  prepared  a  tasty  souvenir  commemorative  of  the 
heroic  work  performed  by  the  troops  in  Cuba,  and  expressive 
of  high  appreciation  of  the  gallantry  of  the  colored  regiments. 
A  beautiful  stand  of  colors  was  also  procured  for  the  Twenty- 
fourth  Infantry,  which  were  subsequently  presented  to  the 
regiment  with  appropriate  ceremonies. 

At  the  camp  were  three  colored  chaplains  and  one  colored 
surgeon,  serving  with  the  Regular  Army,  and  their  presence 
was  of  great  value  in  the  way  of  accustoming  the  people  at 
large  to  beholding  colored  men  as  commissioned  officers.  To 
none  were  more  attention  shown  than  to  these  colored  men, 
and  there  was  apparentl}^  no  desire  to  infringe  upon  their 
rights.  Occasionally  a  very  petty  social  movement  might  be 
made  by  an  insignificant,  with  a  view  of  humiliating  a  Negro 
chaplain,  but  such  efforts  usually  died  without  harm  to  those 
aimed  at  and  apparently  without  special  comfort  to  those  who 
engineered  them. 

The  following  paragraphs,  written  while  in  camp  at  the 
time  indicated  in  them,  may  serve  a  good  purpose  bv  their  in- 
sertion here,  showing  as  they  do  the  reflections  of  the  writer 
as  well  as  in  outlining  the  more  important  facts  associated 
with  that  remarkable  encampment : 


CAMP  WIKOFF  AND  ITS  LESSONS. 
Now  that  the  days  of  this  camp  are  drawing  to  a  close  it  is 
profitable  to  recall  its  unique  history  and  gather  up  some  of 
the  lessons  it  has  taught  us.     Despite  all  the  sensationalism, 


230  THE    SURRENDER    AND    AFTERWARDS 

investigations,  testings,  experimentation,  and  general  condem- 
nation, the  camp  at  Montauk  accomplished  what  was  intended, 
and  was  itself  a  humane  and  patriotic  establishment.  It  is  not 
for  me  to  say  whether  a  better  site  might  not  have  been  se^ 
lected,  or  whether  the  camp  might  not  have  been  better  man- 
aged. I  will  take  it  for  granted  that  improvement  might  have 
been  made  in  both  respects,  but  our  concern  is  rather  with 
what  was,  than  with  what  "might  have  been." 

To  appreciate  Camp  Wikoff  we  must  consider  two  things 
specially;  first,  its  purpose,  and  secondly,  the  short  time  al- 
lowed to  prepare  it;  and  then  go  over  the  whole  subject  and 
properly  estimate  its  extent  and  the  amount  of  labor  involved. 

The  intention  of  the  camp  was  to  afford  a  place  where  our 
troops,  returning  from  Cuba,  prostrated  with  climatic  fever, 
and  probably  infected  with  yellow  fever,  might  receive  proper 
medical  treatment  and  care,  until  the  diseases  were  subdued. 
The  site  was  selected  with  this  in  view,  and  the  conditions 
were  admirably  suited  to  such  a  purpose.  Completely  iso- 
lated, on  dry  soil,  with  dry  pure  air,  cool  climate,  away  from 
mosquitoes,  the  camp  seemed  all  that  was  desired  for  a  great 
field  hospital. 

Here  the  sick  could  come  and  receive  the  best  that  nature 
had  to  bestow  in  the  way  of  respite  from  the  heat,  and  pure 
ocean  breezes,  and,  taken  altogether,  the  experiences  of  Aug- 
ust and  a  good  part  of  September,  have  justified  the  selection 
of  Montauk.  While  prostrations  were  occurring  elsewhere, 
the  camp  was  cool  and  delightful  most  of  the  time. 

As  to  the  preparations,  it  must  be  remembered  tliat  the  re- 
call of  the  whole  Army  of  Invasion  from  Cuba  was  made  in 
response  to  a  popular  demand,  and  as  a  measure  of  humanity. 
Bring  the  army  home!  was  the  call,    and.    Bring  it  at  once! 


/ 


THE   SURRENDER   AND    AFTERWARDS  23I 

Such  urgency  naturally  leaps  ahead  of  minor  preparations. 
The  soldiers  wanted  to  come ;  the  people  wanted  them  to  come ; 
hence  the  crowding  of  transports  and  the  lack  of  comforts  on 
the  voyages;  hence  the  lack  of  hospital  accommodations  when 
the  troops  began  to  arrive.  Haste  almost  always  brings  about 
such  things ;  but  sometimes  haste  is  imperative.  This  was  the 
case  in  getting  the  army  out  of  Cuba  and  into  Camp  at  Mon- 
tauk  in  August,  '98.  Haste  was  pushed  to  that  point  when 
omissions  had  to  occur,  and  inconvenience  and  suffering  re- 
sulted. 

We  must  also  remember  the  condition  of  the  men  who  came 
to  Montauk.  About  4,000  were  reported  as  sick  before  they 
left  Cuba;  but,  roughly  speaking,  there  were  10,000  sick  men 
landing  in  Montauk.  Those  who  were  classed  as  well  were, 
with  rare  exceptions,  both  mentally  and  physically  incapable  of 
high  effort.  It  was  an  invalid  army,  with  nearly  one-half  of 
its  number  seriously  sick  and  suffering. 

Ten  thousand  sick  soldiers  were  never  on  our  hands  before., 
and  the  mighty  problem  was  not  realized  until  the  transport- 
began  to  emit  their  streams  of  weakness  and  walking  death  at 
Montauk.  The  preparation  was  altogether  inadequate  for 
such  a  mass  of  misery,  and  for  a  time  all  appeared  confusion. 

Then  came  severe,  cruel,  merciless  criticisms;  deserved  in 
some  cases  no  doubt,  but  certainly  not  everywhere.  The 
faults,  gaps,  failures,  were  everywhere  to  be  seen,  and  it  was 
easy  to  see  and  to  say  what  ought  to  have  been  done.  But 
the  situation  at  Camp  Wikoff  from  August  15th  to  Sep.  15th 
needed  more  than  censure ;  it  needed  help.  The  men  who  were 
working  for  the  Government  in  both  the  medical  and  commis- 
sary departments  needed  assistance ;  the  former  in  the  way  of 
nurses,  and  the  latter  in  the  way  of  appropriate  food.     The 


232  THE    SURRENDER    AND   AFTERWARDS 

censure  and  exposure  indulged  in  by  the  press  may  have  con- 
tributed to  direct  the  attention  of  the  benevolently  disposed  to 
the  conditions  in  the  camp. 

Then  came  the  era  of  ample  help;  from  Massachusetts; 
from  New  York,  in  a  word,  from  all  over  the  country.  The 
Merchants'  Relief  Association  poured  in  its  thousands  of  dol- 
lars worth  of  supplies,  bringing  them  to  the  camp  and  dis- 
tributing them  generously  and  wisely.  The  Women's  Patri- 
otic Relief,  the  Women's  War  Relief,  the  International 
Brotherhood  League,  and  the  powerful  Red  Cross  Society,  all 
poured  in  food  and  comforts  for  the  sick  thousands.  Besides 
these  great  organizations  there  were  also  the  spontaneous  of- 
ferings of  the  people,  many  of  them  generously  distributed  by 
the  Brooklyn  Daily  Eagle's  active  representatives.  The  tent 
of  that  journal  was  an  excellent  way-mark  and  a  veritable 
house  of  the  good  shepherd  for  many  a  lost  wanderer,  as  well 
as  a  place  of  comfort,  cheer  and  rest.  The  work  done  was 
very  valuable  and  highly  appreciated. 

To  the  medical  department  came  the  trained  hand  of  the  fe- 
male riurse.  No  one  who  saw  these  calm-faced,  white-hooded 
sisters,  or  the  cheery  cheeked,  white  capped  nurses  from  the 
schools,  could  fail  to  see  that  they  were  in  the  right  place. 
The  sick  soldier's  lot  was  brightened  greatly  when  the  gentle 
female  nurse  came  to  his  cot.  Woman  can  never  be  robbed 
of  her  right  to  nurse.  This  is  one  of  the  lessons  taught  by 
the  Hispano- American  War. 

This  vast  army  has  been  handled.  No  yellow  fever  has 
been  spread.  The  general  health  has  been  restored.  The  dis- 
abled are  mostly  housed  in  hospitals,  and  many  of  them  are  on 
the  road  to  recovery.  Some  have  died ;  some  are  on  furloug^h, 
and  many  have  gone  to  their  homes. 


THE   SURRENDER   AND   AFTERWARDS  233 

The  regulars  are  repairing  to  their  stations  quite  invigor- 
ated, and  greatly  helped  in  many  ways  by  the  kind  treatment 
they  have  received.  Camp  Wikoff  was  not  a  failure;  but  a 
great  and  successful  object  lesson,  as  well  as  a  great  summer 
school  in  nationalism.  Here  black,  white  and  Indian  soldiers 
fraternized;  here  Northerners  and  Southerners  served  under 
the  same  orders.  Ten  thousand  soldiers  and  as  many  civilians 
daily  attended  the  best  school  of  its  kind  ever  held  in  this  coun- 
try, striving  to  take  home  to  their  hearts  the  lessons  that  God 
r"s  teaching  the  nations. 

The  Rev.  Sylvester  Malone  thus  sums  up  the  message  of  the 
war  to  us  in  his  letter  to  the  committee  to  welcome  Brooklyn's 
soldiers : 

"This  short  war  has  done  so  much  for  America  at  home  and 
abroad  that  we  must  take  every  soldier  to  our  warmest  affec- 
tion and  send  him  back  to  peaceful  pursuits  on  the  conviction 
that  there  is  nothing  higher  in  our  American  life  than  to  have 
the  privilege  to  cheer  and  gladden  the  marine  and  the  soldier 
that  have  left  to  America  her  brightest  and  best  page  of  a  great 
history.  This  past  war  must  kindle  in  our  souls  a  love  of  all 
the  brethren,  black  as  well  as  white,  Catholic  as  well  as  Protest- 
ant, having  but  one  language,  one  nationality,  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  yet  one  religion." 

These  are  true  words,  as  full  of  patriotism  as  they  are  of 

fraternity,  and  these  are  the  two  special    lessons    taught    at 

Montauk — a  broad,  earnest,  practical  fraternity,  and  a  love  of 

country  before  which  the  petty  prejudices  of  race  and  section 

were  compelled  to  yield  ground. 

THE  YOUNG  MEN'S  CHRISTIAN  ASSOCIATION  IN 
CAMP  WIKOFF. 

The  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  has  done  an  excel- 
lent work  in  Camp  Wikoff.  Their  tents  have  afforded  facili- 
ties for  profitable  amusements,  in  the  way   of    quiet    games, 


234  THE    SURRENDER    AND    AFTERWARDS 

thus  bringing  out  the  use  of  these  games  distinct  from  their 
abuse — gambling. 

Their  reading  tables  have  also  been  well  supplied  with  pap- 
ers and  magazines,  religious  and  secular,  generally  very  ac- 
ceptable to  the  soldiers,  as  attested  by  the  numbers  that  read 
them.  But  perhaps  best  of  all,  has  been  the  provision  made 
for  the  soldiers  to  write.  Tables,  pens,  ink,  paper  and  en- 
velopes have  been  supplied  in  abundance.  These  were  of  great 
advantage  to  soldiers  living  in  tents,  and  the  work  of  the  As- 
sociation in  this  respect  cannot  be  too  highly  commended. 

The  specially  religious  work  of  the  Association  as  I  have 
seen  it,  consists  of  three  divisions :  First,  the  meetings  in 
their  tents,  held  nightly  and  on  Sundays.  These  have  been 
vigorously  carried  on  and  well  attended,  the  chaplains  of  the 
camp  often  rendering  assistance.  Secondly,  I  have  noticed  the 
Y,  M.  C.  A.  men  visiting  the  sick  in  the  hospitals  and  camps, 
giving  the  word  of  exhortation  and  help  to  the  sick.  Perhaps, 
however,  in  their  work  of  private  conversation  with  the  well 
men,  they  have  done  as  much  real  service  for  God  as  in  either 
of  the  other  two  fields.  They  have  made  the  acquaintance  of 
many  men  and  have  won  the  respect  of  the  camp.  This  I  have 
numbered  as  the  third  division  of  their  work — personal  con- 
tact with  the  soldiers  of  the  camp,  at  the  same  time  keeping 
themselves  "unspotted  from  the  world." 

B. 

The  24th  Infantry  was  ordered  down  to  Siboney  to  do  guard 
duty.  When  the  regiment  reached  the  yellow-fever  hospital  it 
was  found  to  be  in  a  deplorable  condition.  Men  were  dying 
there  every  hour  for  the  lack  of  proper  nursing.  Major  Mark- 
ley,  who  had  commanded  the  regiment  since  July  ist,  when 
Colonel  Liscum  was  wounded,  drew  his  regiment  up  in  line, 
and  Dr.  La  Garde,  in  charge  of  the  hospital,  explained  the  needs 


THE   SURRENDER    AND   AFTERWARDS  235 

of  the  suffering,  at  the  same  time  clearly  setting  forth  the  dan 
ger  to  men  who  were  not  immune,  of  nursing  and  attending 
yellow-fever  patients.  Major  Markley  then  said  that  any  man 
who  wished  to  volunteer  to  nurse  in  the  yellow-fever  hospital 
could  step  forward.  The  whole  regiment  -stepped  forward. 
Sixty  men  were  selected  from  the  volunteers  to  nurse,  and  within 
forty-eight  hours  forty-two  of  these  brave  fellows  were  down 
seriously  ill  with  yellow  or  pernicious  malarial  fever.  Again  the 
regiment  was  drawn  up  in  line,  and  again  Major  Markley  said 
that  nurses  were  needed,  and  that  any  man  who  wished  to  do 
so  could  vokmteer.  After  the  object  lesson  which  the  men 
had  received  in  the  last  few  days  of  the  danger  from  contagion 
to  which  they  would  be  exposed,  it  was  now  unnecessary  for 
Dr.  La  Garde  to  again  warn  the  brave  blacks  of  the  terrible 
contagion.  When  the  request  for  volunteers  to  replace  those 
who  had  already  fallen  in  the  performance  of  their  dangerous 
and  perfectly  optional  duty  was  made  again,  the  regiment 
stepped  forward  as  one  man.  When  sent  down  from  the 
trenches  the  regiment  consisted  of  eight  companies,  averaging 
about  forty  men  each.  Of  the  officers  and  men  who  remained 
on  duty  the  forty  days  spent  in  Siboney,  only  twenty-four  es- 
caped without  serious  illness,  and  of  this  handful  not  a  few 
succumbed  to  fevers  on  the  voyage  home  and  after  their  arrival 
at  Montauk. 

As  a  result,  thirty-six  died  and  about  forty  were  discharged 
from  the  regiment  owing  to  disabilities  resulting  from  sickness 
which  began  in  the  yellow-fever  hospital. — Bonsai's  Fight  for 
Santiago. 


236  REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS 


CHAPTER  X. 


REVIEW  AND  REFLECTIONS. 

Gallantry  of  the  Black  Regulars — Diary  of  Sergeant-Major  E.  L.  Baker, 
Tenth    Cavalry. 

It  is  time  now  to  sum  up  the  work  of  the  four  regiments 
whose  careers  we  have  thus  far  followed,  and  to  examine  the 
grounds  upon  which  the  golden  opinions  they  won  in  battle 
and  siege  are  based.  We  have  seen  that  in  the  first  fight,  that 
of  Las  Guasimas,  on  June  24th,  the  Tenth  Cavalry,  especially 
Troops  I  and  B,  both  with  their  small  arms  and  with  the 
machine  guns  belonging  to  Troop  B,  did  most  effective  work 
against  the  Spanish  right,  joining  with  the  First  Cavalry  in 
overcoming  that  force  which  was  rapidly  destroying  Roose- 
ve'it's  Rough  Riders.  Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  in  this 
first  fight,  Troop  B,  which  did  its  full  share,  was  commanded 
on  the  firing  line  by  Sergeants  John  Buck  and  James  Thomp- 
son. In  the  squad  commanded  by  Sergeant  Thompson  sev- 
eral men  of  the  First  Regular  Cavalry  fought  and  it  is  claimed 
were  highly  pleased  with  him  as  squad  commander. 

While  this  was  the  firrst  fight  of  the  men  of  the  Tenth  Cav- 
alry with  the  Spaniards,  it  was  by  no  means  their  first  experi- 
ence under  fire.  From  the  time  of  the  organization  of  the  regi- 
ment in  1866  up  to  within  a  year  of  the  war,  the  men  had  been 
engaged  frequently  in  conflicts  with  Indians  and  marauders, 
often  having  men  killed  and  wounded  in  their  ranks.  The 
fights  were  participated  in  by  small  numbers,  and  the  casual- 
ties were  not  numerous,  but  there  were  opportunities  for  the 


REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS  237 

acquirement  of  skill  and  the  display  of  gallantry.  Altogether 
the  men  of  the  regiment  during  their  experience  on  the  plains 
engaged  in  sixty-two  battles  and  skirmishes.  This  training 
had  transformed  the  older  men  of  the  regiment  into  veterans 
and  enabled  them  to  be  cool  and  efficient  in  their  first  fight  in 
Cuba. 

Sergeant  Buck,  upon  whom  the  command  of  Troop  B  chiefly 
fell  after  becoming  separated  from  his  Lieutenant  in  the  bat- 
tle at  Guasimas,  joined  the  regiment  in  1880,  and  had  already 
passed  through  eighteen  years  of  the  kind  of  service  above 
described.  He  was  at  the  time  of  the  Cuban  War  in  the  prime 
of  life,  a  magnificent  horseman,  an  experienced  scout,  and  a 
skilled  packer.  In  1880,  when  he  joined  the  regiment,  the 
troops  were  almost  constantly  in  motion,  marching  that  one 
year  nearly  seventy-seven  thousand  miles,  his  own  troop  cov- 
ering twelve  hundred  and  forty-two  miles  in  one  month.  This 
troop  with  four  others  made  a  ride  of  sixty-five  miles  in  less 
than  twenty-one  hours,  arriving  at  their  destination  without 
the  loss  of  a  single  horse.  In  1893  he  was  mentioned  by  the 
commanding  officer  of  Fort  Missoula,  Montana,  for  highly 
meritorious  service,  skill  and  energy  displayed  w^hile  in  charge 
of  pack  train  of  an  expedition  across  the  Bitter  Root  Moun- 
tains, Idaho,  during  the  most  inclement  w^eather,  in  quest  of  a 
party  of  gentlemen  lost.  (Letter  of  commanding  officer,  Fort 
Missoula,  Montana,  February  12,  1894.)  Sergeant  Buck  has 
also  won  the  silver  medal  for  revolver  shooting. 

Sergeant  James  Thompson  joined  the  regiment  in  1888,  and 
has  passed  the  ten  years  in  the  one  troop,  and  proved  himself 
at  Las  Guasimas  a  soldier  worthy  his  regiment. 

The  first  battle  gave  the  Tenth  a  reputation  in  a  new  field, 
corresponding  to  that  which  it  had  gained  in  the  West,  and 


238  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

this  was  not  allowed  to  fade  during  its  stay  in  Cuba.  The 
fame  of  this  first  action  spread  rapidly  through  the  army  and 
inspired  the  other  regiments  of  colored  men  with  a  desire  to 
distinguish  themselves  on  this  new  field  of  honor,  and  their 
readiness  to  be  to  the  front  and  to  take  prominent  part  in  all 
service  was  so  marked  that  opportunity  could  not  be  withheld 
from  them.  As  the  army  advanced  toward  Santiago  these 
regiments  became  more  and  more  the  mark  of  observation  by 
foreign  military  men  who  were  present,  and  by  the  great 
throng  of  correspondents  who  were  the  eyes  for  the  people  of 
the  civilized  world.  And  hence,  when  the  lines  of  assault  were 
finally  determined  and  the  infantry  and  cavalry  of  our  army 
deployed  for  its  perilous  attack  upon  the  Spanish  fortifications 
the  black  regiments  were  in  their  places,  conspicuous  by  their 
vigor  and  enthusiasm.  In  them  were  enlisted  men  whose  time 
of  service  had  expired  a  few  days  before,  but  who  had  prompt- 
ly re-enlisted.  In  at  least  two  cases  were  men  who  served 
their  full  thirty  years  and  could  have  retired  with  honor  at  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war.  They  preferred  to  share  the  for- 
tunes of  their  comrades  in  arms,  and  it  is  a  comfort  to  be  able 
to  record  that  the  two  spoken  of  came  home  from  the  fight 
without  a  wound  and  with  health  unimpaired.  How  many 
others  there  were  in  the  same  case'  in  the  army  is  not  reported, 
but  the  supposition  is  that  there  were  several  such  in  both  the 
white  and  colored  regiments. 

Recalling  the  scenes  of  that  memorable  first  of  July,  1898, 
we  can  see  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  advancing  steadily  on  the 
stone  fort  at  El  Caney  at  one  time  entirely  alone,  meeting  the 
fire  of  the  fort  even  up  to  their  last  rush  forward.  Captain 
Loughborough,  who  commanded  Company  B,  of  that  regi- 
ment, and  although  his  company  was  in  the  reserve,  was  never- 


REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS  239 

theless  under  fire,  says :  "The  hardest  fighting  of  the  Twenty- 
fifth  was  between  two  and  four  o'clock,"  at  which  time  all  the 
other  troops  of  the  attacking  force,  except  Bates'  brigade, 
were  under  cover  and  remaining  stationary,  the  Twenty-fifth 
being  the  only  organization  that  was  advancing.  The  official 
reports  give  the  positions  of  General  Chaffee's  brigade  dur- 
ing the  two  hours  between  two  o'clock  and  four  of  that  after- 
noon as  follows : 

The  Seventh  was  under  partial  cover  and  remained  in  its 
position  "until  about  4.30  p.  m."  The  Seventeenth  remained 
with  its  left  joined  to  the  right  of  the  Seventh  "until  the  bat- 
tle was  over."  The  Twelfth  Infantry  was  in  its  shelter  within 
350  yards  of  the  fort  "until  about  4  p.  m."  Ludlow's  brigade 
was  engaged  with  the  town,  hence  only  Miles'  brigade,  consist- 
ing of  the  Fourth  and  Twenty-fifth  Infantry,  was  advancing 
upon  the  fort.  The  Fourth  Infantry  was  soon  checked  in  its 
advance,  as  General  Daggett  especially  notes  in  his  report,  and 
the  Twenty-fifth  was  thus  thrust  forward  alone,  excepting 
Bates'  brigade,  which  was  making  its  way  up  the  right. 

This  conspicuous  advance  of  the  Twenty-fifth  brought  that 
regiment  into  the  view  of  the  world,  and  established  for  it  a 
brilliant  reputation  for  skill  and  courage.  Arriving  in  the  very 
jaws  of  the  fort  the  sharpshooters  and  marksmen  of  that  regi- 
ment poured  such  a  deadly  fire  into  the  loopholes  of  the  fort 
that  they  actually  silenced  it  with  their  rifles.  These  men  with 
the  sterness  of  iron  and  the  skill  acquired  by  long  and  careful 
training,  impressed  their  characteristics  on  the  minds  of  all 
their  beholders.  Of  the  four  hundred  men  who  went  on  the 
field  that  morning  very  few  were  recruits,  and  many  had 
passed  over  ten  years  in  the  service.  When  they  "took  the  bat- 
tle formation  and  advanced  to  the  stone  fort  more  like  veterans 


24°    '  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

than  troops  who  had  never  been  under  fire,"  as  their  com- 
mander reports,  they  gave  to  the  world  a  striking  exhibition 
of  the  effect  of  miHtary  training.  In  each  breast  a  spirit  of 
bravery  had  been  developed  and  their  skill  in  the  use  of  their 
arms  did  not  for  a  moment  forsake  them.  They  advanced 
against  volleys  from  the  fort  and  rifie  pits  in  front,  and  a  gall- 
ing fire  from  blockhouses,  the  church  tower  and  the  village  on 
their  left.  Before  a  less  severe  fire  than  this,  on  that  very  day, 
a  regiment  of  white  volunteers  had  succumbed  and  was  lying 
utterly  demoralized  by  the  roadside;  before  this  same  fire  the 
Second  Massachusetts  Volunteers  were  forced  to  retire — in 
the  face  of  it  the  Twenty-fifth  advanced  steadily  to  its  goal. 

Lieutenant  Moss,  who  commanded  Company  H  on  the  firing 
line  on  that  day,  has  published  an  account  in  which  he  says : 
"The  town  was  protected  on  the  north  by  three  blockhouses 
and  the  church;  on  the  west  by  three  blockhouses  (and  par- 
tially by  the  church)  ;  on  the  east  by  the  stone  fort,  one  block- 
house, the  church,  and  three  rifie  pits ;  on  the  south  and  south- 
east  by  the  stone  fort,  three  blockhouses,  one  loop-holed  house, 
the  church  and  eight  rifle  pits.  However,  the  Second  Brigade 
was  sent  forward  against  the  southeast  of  the  town,  thus  be- 
ing exposed  to  fire  from  fourteen  sources,  nearly  all  of  which 
were  in  different  planes,  forming  so  many  tiers  of  fire.  The 
cover  on  the  south  and  southeast  of  the  town  was  no  better 
than,  if  as  good,  as  that  on  the  other  sides." 

The  cavalry  regiments  were  no  less  conspicuous  in  their  gal- 
lantry at  San  Juan  than  was  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  at  El 
Caney.  The  brilliancy  of  that  remarkable  reg-iment,  the 
Rough  Riders,  commanded  on  July  ist  by  Colonel  Roosevelt, 
was  so  dazzling  that  it  drew  attention  away  from  the  ordin- 
ary regulars,  yet  the  five  regiments  of  regular    cavalry    did 


REVIEW    AMD    kEt  LECTIONS  *4'i" 

their  duty  as  thoroughly  on  that  day  as  did  the  regiment  of 
vokinteers.*  In  this  body  of  cavalry  troops,  where  courage 
was  elevated  to  a  degree  infringing  upon  the  romantic,  the 
two  black  regiments  took  their  places,  and  were  fit  to  be  as- 
sociated in  valor  with  that  highly  representative  regiment. 
The  Inspector-General  turns  aside  from  mere  routine  in  his  re- 
port long  enough  to  say  ''the  courage  and  conduct  of  the  col- 
ored troops  and  First  United  States  Volunteers  seemed  al- 
ways up  to  the  best."  That  these  black  troopers  held  no  sec- 
ond place  in  valor  is  proven  by  their  deeds,  and  from  the  tes- 
timony of  all  who  observed  their  conduct,  and  that  they  with 
the  other  regulars  were  decidedly  superior  in  skill  was  recog- 
nized by  the  volunteer  Colonel  himself.  The  Ninth  Cavalr}'-, 
although  suffering  considerably  in  that  advance  on  East  Hill, 
involved  as  it  was,  more  or  less,  with  Roosevelt's  regiment, 
did  not  receive  so  large  a  share  of  public  notice  as  its  sister 
regiment.  The  strength  of  the  Ninth  was  but  little  over  one- 
half  that  of  the  Tenth,  and  its  movements  were  so  involved 
with  those  of  the  volunteers  as  to  be  somewhat  obscured  by 
them;  the  loss  also  of  its  commander  just  as  the  first  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy  fell  into  our  hands,  was  a  great  misfortune- 
to  the  regiment.  The  Ninth,  however,  was  with  the  first  that 
mounted  the  heights,  and  whatever  praise  is  to  be  bestowed 
upon  the  Rough  Riders  in  that  assault  is  to  be  distributed  in-' 
equal  degree  to  the  men  of  that  regiment.  Being  in  the  lead- 
ing brigade  of  the  division    this    regiment    had    been    firing 


"^"The  Ninth  and  Tenth  Cavalry  regiments  fought  one  on  either  side  of 
mine  at  Santiago,  and  I  wish  no  better  men  beside  me  in  battle  than 
these  colored  troops  showed  themselves  to  be.  Later  on,  when  I  come 
to  write  of  the  campaign.  I  sliall  h.ave  mucli  to  say  about  them." — 
T.    Roosevelt. 

i6 


242  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

steadily  upon  the  Spanish  works  before  the  charge  was  or- 
dered, and  when  the  movement  began  tlie  men  of  the  Ninth 
advanced  so  rapidly  that  they  were  among  the  first  to  reach 
the  crest. 

The  Tenth  Regiment,  with  its  Hotchkiss  guns,  and  its 
trained  men,  took  its  place  in  the  line  that  morning  to  add  if 
possible  further  lustre  to  the  distinction  already  won.  In 
crossing  the  flat,  in  climbing  the  heights,  and  in  holding  the 
ridge  these  brave  men  did  all  that  could  be  expected  of  them. 
Roosevelt  said :  '"The  colored  troops  did  as  well  as  any  soldiers 
could  possibly  do."  meaning  the  colored  men  of  the  Ninth  and 
Tenth  Cavalry.  To  their  officers  he  bestows  a  meed  of  praise 
well  deserved,  but  not  on  the  peculiar  ground  which  he  brings 
forward.  He  would  have  the  reader  believe  that  it  has  re- 
quired special  ability  and  effort  to  bring  these  colored  men  up 
to  the  condition  of  good  soldiers  and  to  induce  them  to  do  so 
well  in  battle;  while  the  testimony  of  the  officers  themselves 
and  the  experience  of  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  with 
colored  professional  troops  give  no  countenance  to  any  such 
theory.  The  voice  of  experience  is  that  the  colored  man  i^ 
specially  apt  as  a  soldier,  and  General  Merritt  declares  him  al- 
ways brave  in  battle.  The  officers  commanding  colored  troops 
at  Santiago  honored  themselves  in  their  reports  of  the  battles 
l3y  giving  full  credit  to  the  men  in  the  ranks,  who  by  their 
resolute  advance  and  their  cool  and  accurate  firing  dislodged 
an  intrenched  foe  and  planted  the  flag  of  our  Union  where 
liad  floated  the  ensign  of  Spain. 

That  rushing  line  of  dismounted  cavalry,  so  ably  directed  by 
Sumner,  did  not  get  to  its  goal  without  loss.  As  it  swept 
across  the  open  to  reach  the  heights,  it  faced  a  well-directed 
.fire  from  the  Spanish  works,  and  men  dropped  from  the  ranks, 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  243 

wounded  and  d3n"ng.  Of  the  officers  directing-  that  advance  35 
fell  either  killed  or  wounded  and  328  men.  These  numbers 
appear  small  when  hastily  scanned  or  when  brought  into  com- 
parison with  the  losses  in  battle  during  the  Civil  War,  but  if 
we  take  time  to  imagine  35  officers  lying  on  the  ground  either 
killed  or  wounded  and  328  men  in  the  same  condition,  the  car- 
nage will  not  appear  insignificant.  ^Voe  enough  followed  even 
that  one  short  conflict.  It  must  be  observed  also  that  the 
whole  strength  of  this  division  was  less  than  3000  men,  so  thai 
about  one  out  of  every  eight  had  been  struck  by  shot  or  shell. 

Several  enlisted  men  among  the  colored  cavalry  displayed 
high  soldierly  qualities  in  this  assault,  evidencing  a  willingness 
to  assume  the  responsibility  of  command  and  the  ability  to 
lead.  Color-Sergeant  George  Berry  became  conspicuous  at 
once  by  his  brilliant  achievement  of  carrying  the  colors  of  two 
regiments,  those  of  his  own  and  of  the  Third  Cavalry.  The 
Color-Sergeant  of  the  latter  regiment  had  fallen  and  Berry 
seized  the  colors  and  liore  them  up  the  hill  with  his  own.  The 
illustrated  press  gave  some  attention  to  this  exploit  at  the  time, 
but  no  proper  recognition  of  it  has  as  yet  been  made.  Ser- 
geant Berry's  character  as  a  soldier  had  been  formed  long  be- 
fore this  event,  and  his  reputation  for  daring  was  already  w^eli 
established.  He  entered  the  service  in  1867  and  when  he  car- 
ried that  flag  up  San  Juan  was  filling  out  his  thirty-first  year 
in  the  service.  All  this  time  he  had  passed  in  the  cavalry  and 
had  engaged  in  many  conflicts  with  hostile  Indians  and  ruffians 
on  our  frontiers. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  parts  taken  by  any  enlisted  men 
in  the  cavalry  division  were  those  taken  by  Sergeants  Foster 
and  Givens.  The  former  was  First  Sergeant  of  Troop  G  and 
as  the  troop  was  making  its  way  to  the  hill  by  some  means  the 


244  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

Spaniards  were  able  not  only  to  discover  them  but  also  the 
direction  in  which  they  were  moving  and  to  determine  their 
exact  range.  Sergeant  Foster  ventured  to  tell  the  Lieutenant 
in  charge  that  the  course  of  advance  should  be  changed  as  they 
were  marching  directly  into  the  enemy's  guns. 

"Silence,"  shouted  the  Lieutenant.  "Come  on,  men :  follow 
me."  "All  right,  sir,"  said  the  Sergeant;  "we'll  go  as  far  as 
you  will."  The  next  instant  the  Lieutenant  w^as  shot  through 
the  head,  leaving  Sergeant  Foster  in  command.  Immediately 
the  troop  was  deployed  out  of  the  dangerous  range  and  the 
Sergeant  by  the  exercise  of  good  judgment  brought  his  met; 
to  the  crest  of  the  hill  without  losing  one  from  his  ranks.  At 
the  time  of  this  action  Sergeant  Foster  was  a  man  who  would 
readily  command  attention.  Born  in  Texas  and  a  soldier  al- 
most continuously  since  1875,  part  of  which  time  had  been 
passed  in  an  infantry  regiment,  he  had  acquired  valuable  ex- 
perience. In  1888,  while  serving  in  the  cavalry,  he  had  been 
complimented  in  General  Orders  for  skill  in  trailing  raiding 
parties  in  Arizona.  He  was  a  resolute  and  stalwart  soldier,  an 
excellent  horseman  and  possessed  of  superior  judgment,  and 
with  a  reputation  for  valor  which  none  who  knew  him  would 
question.  The  return  of  Troop  G,  Tenth  Cavalry,  for  July, 
1898,  contains  the  following  note:  "Lieutenant  Roberts  was 
wounded  early  in  the  engagement :  Lieutenant  Smith  was 
killed  about  10.30  a.  m.  while  gallantly  leading  the  troop  in 
the  advance  line.  After  Lieutenant  Smith  fell  the  command 
of  the  troop  devolved  upon  First  Sergeant  Saint  Foster,  who 
displayed  remarkable  intelligence  and  ability  in  handling  the 
troop  during  the  remainder  (Df  the  day.  Sergeant  Foster's 
conduct  was  such  as  cannot  be  excelled  for  valor  during  the 
operations  around  Santiago.  He  commanded  the  troop  up  the 
hills  of  San  Juan.'' 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  245 

Sergeant  William  H.  Givens,  of  Troop  D.  Tenth  Cavalry, 
also  commanded  in  the  action  against  San  Juan.  His  Captain, 
who  was  wounded  three  times  in  the  fight,  being  finally  dis- 
abled before  reaching  the  hill,  makes  the  following  report : 
"Sergeant  William  H.  Givens  was  wuth  the  platoon  which  I 
commanded;  whenever  I  observed  him  he  was  at  his  post  ex- 
ercising a  steadying  or  encouraging  influence  on  the  men,  and 
conducting  himself  like  the  thorough  soldier  that  I  have  long- 
known  him  to  be.  I  understand  to  my  great  satisfaction  that 
he  has  been  rewarded  by  an  appointment  to  a  lieutenancy  in  an 
immune  regiment." 

The  Descriptive  list  of  Sergeant  Givens,  made  on  August 
4th,  1898,  contains  these  remarks: 

"Commanded  his  troop  with  excellent  judgment  after  his 
captain  fell  at  the  battle  of  San  Juan,  July  i,  1898,  lead- 
ing it  up  the  hill  to  the  attack  of  the  blockhouse. 

"Character :     A  most  excellent  soldier."* 

Sergeant  Givens  may  also  be  called  an  "old-timer."  He 
had  enlisted  in  '69,  and  had  passed  all  that  time  in  hard  fron- 
tier service.     The  troop  in  which  he  enlisted  during  the  years 


*The  major  commanding  the  squadron  in  which  Sergeant  Givens'  troops 
served,  writes  to  the  sergeant  the  following  letter : 
Sergeant  William  H.  Givens,  Troop  D,  loth  Cavalry,  Fort  Clark,  Texas. 

Sergeant : — When  making  my  report  as  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron,  loth  U.  S.  Cavalry,  for  action  of  July  i,  1898,  at  San  Juan  Hills, 
I  did  not  mention  any  enlisted  men  by  name,  as  I  was  absent  from  the 
regiment  at  the  time  of  making  the  report  and  without  access  to  records, 
so  that  I  could  not  positively  identify  and  name  certain  men  who  were  con- 
spicuous during  the  fight;  but  I  recollect  finding  a  detachment  of  Troop  D 
under  your  command  on  the  firing  line  during  the  afternoon  of  July  ist. 
Your  service  and  that  of  your  men  at  that  time  was  most  creditable,  and 
you  deserve  special  credit  for  having  brought  your  detachment  promptly 
to  the  firing  line  when  left  without  a  commissioned  officer. 

THEO.  J.  WINT, 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  6th  U.  S.   Cavalry. 
Second  Lieutenant,  loth  Cavalry. 

True   copy : 


246  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

1876-78  was  almost  constantly  engaged  with  hostile  Indians 
along  the  Mexican  border,  and  Sergeant  Givens  was  called 
upon  to  take  part  in  numerous  scouts  in  which  there  were 
many  striking  adventures.  He  was  also  in  that  memorable 
campaign  against  Victoria,  conducted  by  General  Grierson. 
Sergeant  Givens  was  an  ideal  soldier  and  worthy  the  com- 
mendations bestowed  upon  him  by  his  troop  commander  and 
others.  Captain  Bigelow  received  his  disabling  wound  about 
seventy-live  yards  from  the  blockhouse  and  was  taken  to  tlie 
rear  under  heavy  fire  by  two  soldiers  of  the  troop  by  the  name 
of  Henderson  and  Boardman. 

Lieutenant  Kennington,  reporting  the  work  of  the  troop  on 
that  morning  says  that  Corporal  J.  Walker  was  probably  the 
first  soldier  to  reach  the  top  of  the  hill  and  is  believed  to  have 
shot  the  Spaniard  who  killed  Lieutenant  Ord.  The  report 
containing  the  above  statement  is  dated  July  5,  1898.  Since 
that  time  the  matter  has  been  fully  investigated  by  Captain 
Bigelow  and  the  fact  ascertained  that  Corporal  Walker  did 
arrive  first  on  the  hill  and  did  shoot  the  Spaniard  referred  to 
and  he  has  been  recommended  for  a  Medal  of  Honor  in  conse- 
quence. 

The  Sergeant-Major  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry,  Mr..E.  L.  Baker, 
who  served  with  great  credit  during  the  Santiago  campaign, 
is  a  soldier  with  an  excellent  record.  He  was  born  of  French 
and  American  parentage  in  Wyoming  and  enlisted  in  the 
Ninth  Cavalry  as  trumpeter  in  1882.  serving  five  years  in  thai 
regiment.  He  then  enlisted  in  the  Tenth  Cavalry,  and  in  1892 
became  Sergeant-Major.  Being  desirous  of  perfecting  himself 
in  the  cavalry  service  he  applied  for  an  extended  furlough 
with  permission  to  leave  the  country,  intending  to  enter  a  cav- 
alrv  school  in  France.     In  this  desire  he  was    heartilv    en- 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  247 

dorsed  by  the  officers  of  his  regiment,  and  was  specially  com- 
mended by  General  Miles,  who  knew  him  as  a  soldier  and  who 
highly  appreciated  him  as  such.  The  breaking  out  of  the 
Spanish  war  soon  after  he  had  made  application  prevented  a 
full  consideration  of  his  case.  In  1897  Sergeant-Major  Baker 
published  a  specially  valuable  "Roster  of  the  Non-Commis- 
sioned  Officers  of  the  Tenth  U.  S.  Cavalry,  with  Some  Regi- 
mental Reminiscences,  etc.,"  which  has  been  of  marked  ser- 
vice in  the  preparation  of  the  sketches  of  the  enlisted  men  of 
his  regiment.  He  contributes  the  interesting  sketch  of  his  ex- 
periences in  Cuba  with  his  regiment,  which  follows  this  chap- 
ter, and  which  will  prove  to  many  perhaps  the  most  interesting 
portion  of  my  book. 

The  Twenty-fourth  Infantry  advanced  in  that  line  of  attack 
on  the  extreme  left  and  reached  the  crest  of  the  San  Juan  Hills 
in  such  numbers  as  to  lead  the  press  correspondents  and  others 
to  conclude  that  there  were  more  men  of  this  regiment  prompt- 
ly on  the  ground  than  of  any  other  one  regiment.  It  is  certain 
they  made  a  record  for  heroism  in  that  assault  as  bright  as  any 
won  on  the  field  that  day;  and  this  record  they  raised  to  a  mag- 
nificent climax  by  their  subsequent  work  in  the  fever  hospital 
at  Siboney.  For  their  distinguished  service  both  in  the  field 
and  in  the  hospital,  the  colored  ladies  of  Xew  York  honored 
themselves  in  presenting  the  regiment  the  beautiful  stand  of 
colors  already  mentioned.  As  these  fever-worn  veterans  ar- 
rived at  Montauk  they  presented  a  spectacle  well  fitted  to  move 
strong  men  to  tears.  In  solemn  silence  they  marched  from 
on  board  the  transport  Nueces,  which  had  brought  them  from 
Cuba,  and  noiselessly  they  dragged  their  weary  forms  over 
the  sandy  roads  and  up  the  hill  to  the  distant  "detention 
camp."'  Twenty-eight  of  tlieir  number  v.ere  reported  sick,  but 
the  whole  regiment  was  in  ill-health. 


2^8  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

These  were  the  men  who  had  risked  their  lives  and  wrecked 
their  health  in  service  for  others.  Forty  days  they  had  stood 
face  to  face  with  death.  In  their  soiled,  worn  and  faded 
clothing,  with  arms  nncleaned,  emaciated,  and  with  scarce 
strength  enough  to  make  the  march  before  them,  as  they 
moved  on  that  hot  2nd  of  September  from  the  transport  to  the 
camp,  they  appeared  more  like  a  funeral  procession  than  heroes 
returning  from  the  war;  and  to  the  credit  of  our  common 
humanity  it  may  be  recorded  that  they  w^ere  greeted,  not  with 
plaudits  and  cheers,  but  with  expressions  of  real  sympathy. 
Many  handkerchiefs  were  brought  into  view,  not  to  wave  joy- 
ous welcome,  but  to  wipe  away  the  tears  that  came  from  over- 
flowing hearts.  At  no  time  did  human  nature  at  Montauk  ap- 
pear to  better  advantage  than  in  its  silent,  sympathetic  recep- 
tion of  the  Twenty-fourth  Infantry. 

Of  these  shattered  heroes  General  Miles  had  but  recently 
•spoken  in  words  well  worthy  his  lofty  position  and  noble  man- 
hood as  "a  regiment  of  colored  troops,  who,  having  shared 
equally  in  the  heroism,  as  well  as  the  sacrifices,  is  now  volun- 
tarily engaged  in  nursing  yellow  fever  patients  and  burying 
the  dead."  These  men  came  up  to  Montauk  from  great  tribu- 
lations which  should  have  washed  their  robes  to  a  resplendent 
whiteness  in  the  eyes  of  the  whole  people.  Great  Twenty- 
fourth,  we  thank  thee  for  the  glory  thou  hast  given  to  Ameri- 
can soldiery,  and  to  the  character  of  the  American  Negro! 

Thus  these  four  colored  regiment?  took  their  place  on  the 
march,  in  camp,  in  assault  and  in  siege  with  the  flower  of  the 
American  Army,  the  choice  and  pick  of  the  American  nation, 
and  came  off  acknowledged  as  having  shared  equally  in  hero- 
ism and  sacrifices  with  the  other  regular  regiments  so  engaged, 
.and  deserving  of  special  mention  for  the  exhibition  of  regard 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  249 

for  the  welfare  of  their  fellow  man.  The  query  is  now  per- 
tinent as  to  the  return  which  has  been  made  to  these  brave 
men.  The  question  of  Ahasuerus  when  told  of  the  valuable 
services  of  the  Jew,  Mordecai,  is  the  question  which  the  better 
nature  of  the  whole  American  people  should  ask  on  hearing 
the  general  report  of  the  valuable  services  of  the  Negro 
Regular  in  the  Spanish  War.  When  Ahasuerus  asked  :  "What 
honor  and  dignity  hath  been  done  to  Mordecai  for  this?"  his 
servants  that  ministered  unto  him  were  compelled  to  answer: 
"There  is  nothing  done  for  him."  Looking  over  these  four 
regiments  at  the  time  of  this  writing  an  answer  somewhat 
similar  in  force  must  be  returned.  That  the  colored  soldier  is 
entitled  to  honor  and  dignity  must  be  admitted  by  all  who  ad- 
mire brave  deeds,  or  regard  the  welfare  of  the  state.  The  col- 
ored soldier,  however,  was  compelled  to  stand  by  and  see  a 
hundred  lieutenancies  filled  in  the  Regular  Army,  many  in  his 
own  regiments,  only  to  find  himself  overlooked  and  to  be 
forced  to  feel  that  his  services  however  valuable,  could  not  out- 
weigh the  demerit  of  his  complexion. 

The  sum  total  of  permanent  advantage  secured  to  the  col- 
ored regular  as  such,  in  that  bloody  ordeal  wdiere  brave  men 
gave  up  their  lives  for  their  country's  honor,  consists  of  a  few 
certificates  of  merit  entitling  the  holders  to  two  dollars  per 
month  additional  pay  as  long  as  they  remain  in  the  service. 
Nor  is  this  all,  or  even  the  worst  of  the  matter.  Men  who 
served  in  the  war  as  First  Sergeants,  and  who  distinguished 
themselves  in  that  capacity,  have  been  allowed  to  go  back  to 
their  old  companies  to  serve  in  inferior  positions.  Notably 
is  this  the  case  with  Sergeant  William  H.  Givens,  whose  his- 
tory has  been  detailed  as  commanding  Troop  D,  Tenth  Cav- 
alry, after  Captain  Bigelow  fell,  and  who  heroically  led  the 


250  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

troop  up  the  hill.  He  is  now  serving  in  his  old  troop  as  Cor- 
poral, his  distinction  having  actually  worked  his  reduction 
rather  than  substantial  promotion. 

It  must  not  be  inferred  from  the  foregoing,  however,  that 
nothing  whatever  was  done  in  recognition  of  the  gallantry  of 
the  colored  regulars.  Something  was  done.  Cases  of  indi- 
vidual heroism  were  so  marked,  and  so  numerous,  that  they 
could  not  be  ignored.  The  men  who  had  so  distinguished 
themselves  could  not  be  disposed  of  by  special  mention  and 
compliments  in  orders.  Something  more  substantial  was  re- 
quired. Fortunately  for  such  purpose  four  regiments  of  col- 
ored United  States  Volunteer  Infantry  were  then  in  course 
of  organization,  in  which  the  policy  had  been  established  that 
colored  men  should  be  accepted  as  officers  below  the  grade  of 
captain.  Into  these  regiments  the  colored  men  who  had  won 
distinction  at  Santiago  were  placed,  many  as  Second  Lieuten- 
ants, although  some  were  given  First  Lieutenancies.  This  ac- 
tion of  the  Government  was  hailed  with  great  delight  on  the 
Itart  of  the  colored  Americans  generally,  and  the  honors  were 
accepted  \ery  gratefully  by  the  soldiers  who  had  won  them 
on  the  field.  Fortunately  as  this  opening  seemed,  it  turned 
out  very  disappointing.  It  soon  became  evident  that  these 
regiments  would  be  mustered  out  of  the  service,  as  they  had 
])roven  themselves  no  more  immune,  so  far  as  it  could  be  de- 
termined from  the  facts,  than  other  troops.  The  Lieutenants 
who  had  been  most  fortunate  in  getting  their  commissions 
early  got  about  six  or  seven  months'  service,  and  then  the 
dream  of  their  glory  departed  and  they  fell  back  to  the  ranks 
to  stand  "attention''  to  any  white  man  who  could  muster  po- 
litical influence  sufficient  to  secure  a  commission.  Their  day 
was  short,  and  ^^•hen  they  were  discharged  from  the  volunteer 


REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS  25  I 

service,  there  appeared  no  future  for  them  as  commissioned 
officers.  Their  occupation  was  indeed  gone.  It  was  for  them 
a  most  disappointing-  and  exasperating  promotion,  resulting 
in  some  cases  in  loss  of  standing  and  in  financial  injury. 
Their  honors  were  too  short-lived,  and  too  circumscribed,  to 
be  much  more  than  a  lively  tantalization,  to  be  remembered 
with  disgust  by  those  who  had  worn  them.  Cruel,  indeed,  was 
the  prejudice  that  could  dictate  such  a  policy  to  the  brave 
black  men  of  San  Juan.  The  black  heroes,  however,  were  not 
without  sympathy  in  their  misfortune.  The  good  people  of 
the  country  had  still  a  warm  place  in  their  hearts  for  the  col- 
ored soldier,  despite  the  sayings  of  his  maligners. 

The  people  of  Washington,  D.  C,  had  an  opportunity  to 
testify  their  appreciation  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry  as  that  regi- 
ment passed  through  their  city  on  its  way  to  its  station  in 
Alabama,  and  later  a  portion  of  it  was  called  to  Philadelphia 
to  take  part  in  the  Peace  Jubilee,  and  no  troops  received  more 
generous  attention.  To  express  in  some  lasting  form  their  re- 
gard for  the  regiment  and  its  officers,  some  patriotic  citizens 
of  Philadelphia  presented  a  handsome  saber  to  Captain  Charles 
G.  Ayres,  who  had  charge  of  the  detachment  which  took  part 
in  the  Peace  Jubilee,  "as  a  token  of  their  appreciation  of  the 
splendid  conduct  of  the  regiment  in  the  campaign  of  Santiago, 
and  of  its  superb  soldierly  appearance  and  good  conduct  dur- 
ing its  attendance  at  the  Jubilee  Parade  in  Philadelphia." 

Likewise  when  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry  arrived  at  its  sta- 
tion at  Fort  Logan,  Colorado,  the  people  of  Denver  gave  to 
both  officers  and  men  a  most  cordial  reception,  and  invited 
them  at  once  to  take  part  in  their  fall  carnival.  All  over  the 
country  there  was  at  that  time  an  unusual  degree  of  good  feel- 
ing toward  the  colored  soldier  who  had  fought  so  well,  and 


252  REVIEW    AND    REt'LECTIOXS 

no  one  seemed  to  begrudge  him  the  rest  which  came  to  him  or 
the  honors  bestowed  upon  him. 

This  state  of  feeling  did  not  last.  Before  the  year  dosed 
assiduous  efforts  were  made  to  poison  the  public  mind  toward 
the  black  soldier,  and  history  can  but  record  that  these  efforts 
were  too  successful.  The  three  hundred  colored  officers  be- 
came an  object  at  which  both  prejudice  and  jealousy  could 
strike;  but  to  reach  them  the  reputation  of  the  entire  colored 
contingent  must  be  assailed.  This  was  done  with  such  vehem- 
ence and  persistency  that  by  the  opening  of  1899  the  good 
name  of  the  black  regular  was  hidden  under  the  rubbish  of  re- 
ports of  misconduct.  So  much  had  been  said  and  done,  even 
in  Denver,  which  had  poured  out  its  welcome  words  to  the 
heroes  of  El  Caney,  that  the  Ministerial  Alliance  of  that  city, 
on  February  6,  1899,  found  it  necessary  to  take  up  the  sub- 
ject, and  that  body  expressed  itself  in  the  unanimous  adoption 
of  the  following  resolutions : 

RESOLUTIONS  ADOPTED  UNANIMOUSLY  BY  THE 
MINISTERIAL  ALLIANCE  OF  DENVER,  FEBRU- 
ARY 6,  1899. 

Resolved,  By  the  Ministerial  Alliance  of  the  City  of  Den- 
ver, that  the  attempt  made  in  certain  quarters  to  have  the 
Twenty-fifth  Regiment,  United  States  Infantry,  removed  from 
Fort  Logan,  appears  to  this  body  to  rest  on  no  just  grounds, 
to  be  animated  on  the  contrary  by  motives  unworthy  and  dis- 
creditable to  Denver  and  the  State,  and  that  especially  in  view 
of  the  heroic  record  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Regiment,  its  pres- 
ence here  is  an  honor  to  Denver  and  Colorado,  which  this  Al- 
liance would  regret  to  have  withdrawn.* 


♦Extract  from  The  Statesman,  Denver,  after  the  departure  of  the  23th 
hifantry,  and  the  arrival  of  the  34th : 

Two  pohcemen  killed,  the  murderer  at  large  and  his  comrades  of  the 
34th  Regiment  busy  boasting  of  their  sympathy  for  him,  and  extolling  his 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  255 

The  mustering  out  of  the  volunteers  about  the  time  this 
opposition  was  approaching  what  appeared  to  be  a  climax, 
causing  the  removal  from  the  service  of  the  colored  officers, 
appeased  the  wrath  of  the  demon,  and  the  waves  of  the  storm 
gradually  sank  to  a  peace,  gratifying,  indeed,  to  those  who 
shuddered  to  see  a  black  man  with  shoulder-straps.  As  the  last 
Negro  officer  descended  from  the  platform  and  lionorably  laid 
aside  his  sword  to  take  his  place  as  a  citizen  of  the  Republic, 
or  a  private  in  her  armies,  that  class  of  our  citizenship  breathed 
a  sigh  of  relief.  \Miat  mattered  it  to  them  whether  justice 
were  done;  whether  the  army  were  weakened;  whether  indi- 
viduals were  wronged;  they  were  relieved  from  seeing  Negroes 
in  officers'  uniforms,  and  that  to  them  is  a  most  gracious  por- 
tion. The  discharge  of  the  volunteers  was  to  them  the  triumpii 
of  their  prejudices,  and  in  it  they  took  great  comfort,  although 
as  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  a  plain  national  movement  coming 
about  as  a  logical  sequence,  entirely  independent  of  their 
whims  or  wishes.  The  injustice  to  the  Negro  officer  does  not 
lie  in  his  being  mustered  out  of  the  volunteer  service,  but  in 
the  failure  to  provide  for  a  recognition  of  his  valor  in  the  na- 
tion's permanent  military  establishment. 


deed  to  the  skies,  yet  not  a  single  petition  has  been  prepared  to  have  the 
regiment  removed.  The  25th  Infantry,  with  its  honor  undimmed  by  any 
such  wanton  crime,  with  a  record  unexcelled  by  any  regiment  in  the  ser- 
vice, was  the  target  for  all  sorts  of  criticism  and  persecution  as  soon  as  it 
arrived-  The  one  is  a  white  regiment,  composed  of  the  scum  of  the  earth, 
the  other  a  black  regiment  composed  of  men  who  have  yet  to  do  one  thing 
of  which  they  should  be  ashamed.  Yet  Denver  welcomes  the  one  with 
open  arms  and  salutes  with  marked  favor,  while  she  barely  suffered  the 
other  to  remain. 

Had  it  been  a  negro  soldier  who  committed  the  dastardly  deed  of  Sat- 
urday night  the  War  Department  would  have  been  deluged  with  complaints 
and  requests  for  removal,  but  not  a  word  has  been  said  against  the  34th. 
Prejudice  and  hatred  blacker  than  the  wings  of  night  has  so  envenomed 
the  breasts  of  the  people  that  fairness  is  out  of  the  question.  Be  he  black, 
no  matter  how  noble  and  good,  a  man  must  be  despised.  Be  he  white,  he 
may  commit  the  foulest  of  crimes  and  yet  have  his  crimes  condoned. 


254  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

The  departure  of  the  colored  man  from  the  vokmteer  ser- 
vice was  the  consequent  disappearance  of  the  colored  military 
officer,  with  the  single  exception  of  Lieutenant  Charles  Young 
of  the  Regular  Cavalry,  had  a  very  depressing  effect  upon  the 
colored  people  at  large,  and  called  forth  from  their  press  and 
their  associations  most  earnest  protests.  With  a  few  excep- 
tions, these  protests  were  encouched  in  respectful  lanp-uage  to- 
ward the  President  and  his  advisers,  but  the  grounds  upon 
which  they  were  based  were  so  fair  and  just,  that  right-think- 
ing- men  could  not  avoid  their  force.  The  following  resolution, 
passed  by  the  National  Afro- American  Council,  may  be  taken 
as  representative  of  the  best  form  of  such  remonstrance : 

"Resolved,  That  we  are  heartily  grieved  that  the  President 
of  the  United  States  and  those  in  authority  have  not  from  time 
to  time  used  their  high  station  to  voice  the  best  conscience  of 
the  nation  in  regard  to  mob  violence  and  fair  treatment  of 
justly  deserving  men.  It  is  not  right  that  American  citizens 
should  be  despoiled  of  life  and  liberty  while  the  nation  look? 
silently  on ;  or  that  soldiers  who,  with  conspicuous  bravery, 
offer  their  lives  for  the  country,  should  have  their  promotion 
result  in  practical  dismissal  from  the  army." 

The  nation  graciously  heeded  the  call  of  justice  and  in  the 
re-organization  of  the  volunteer  army  provided  for 
two  colored  regiments,  of  which  all  the  com- 
pany officers  should  be  colored  men.  Under  this  ar- 
rangement many  of  the  black  heroes  of  Santiago 
were  recalled  from  the  ranks  and  again  restored  to  the  posi- 
tions they  had  won.  Thus  did  the  nation  in  part  remedy  the 
evil  which  came  in  consequence  of  the  discharge  of  the  volun- 
teers, and  prove  its  willingness  to  do  right.  Triumphantly  did 
the  Administration  vindicate  itself  in  the  eyes  of  good  people, 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  2;:; 

and  again  did  it  place  its  withering-  disapproval  upon  ihe  con- 
duct of  those  who  were  ready  to  shout  their  applause  over  the 
worthy  black  officer's  accidental  humiliation.  The  Xegro  offi- 
cer disappeared  from  the  United  States'  Regiments  as  a  Lieu- 
tenant only :  but  he  returns  to  the  same,  or  rather,  to  a  higher 
grade  of  the  same  form  of  regiments,  both  as  Lieutenant  and 
Captain.  LIow  rapid  and  pronounced  has  been  the  evolution ! 
It  is  true  the  Negro  officer  is  still  a  volunteer,  liut  his  standing 
is  measurably  improved,  both  because  of  the  fact  of  his  recall, 
and  also  because  the  regiments  which  he  is  now  entering  have 
some  prospect  of  being  incorporated  into  the  Regular  Army. 
It  does  not  seem  probable  that  the  nation  can  much  longer 
postpone  the  increase  of  the  standing  army,  and  in  this  in- 
crease it  is  to  be  hoped  the  American  Negro,  both  as  soldier 
and  officer,  will  receive  that  full  measure  of  justice  of  which 
the  formation  of  the  present  two  colored  regiments  is  so  con- 
spicuous a  part. 


DIARY  OF  E.  L.  BAKER,  SERGEANT-MAJOR  TENTH 
U.  S.  CAVALRY. 

Appointed  First  Lieutenant  Ninth  l^.  S.  V^oluntcer  Infantry,  and  later 
Captain  of  the  Forty-ninth  \'oUnUcer  Infantry — Now  Lieutenant  in 
Philippine  Scouts. 

A  TRIP  FROM  ^^lONTANA  TO  CUBA  WITH  THE 
TENTH  U.  S.  CAVALRY. 

April  i6,  1898,  at  10.45  P-  ^ii-'  telegram  was  received  from 
Department  Headqu.irters,  St.  Paul.  ^^linnesota,  ordering  the 
regiment  to  the  Department  of  the  Gulf. 

As  every  click  of  the  telegraph  instrument  was  expected  to 
announce  a  rupture  in  the  diplomatic  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Kingdom  of  Spain,  all  knew  that  the 
mobilization  of  the  army  South  meant  preparing  it  for  the 
serious  work  for  which  it  is  maintained. 


256  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

On  April  19  we  were  off  for  Chickamauga  Park.  En  route 
we  were  heartil}^  greeted.  Patriotism  was  at  its  height.  Every 
little  hamlet,  even,  had  its  offerings.  To  compare  the  journey 
with  Qesar's  march  of  triumph  would  be  putting  it  mildly. 

We  arrived  at  the  historic  point  April  25,  Every  moment 
of  our  stay  there  was  assiduously  devoted  to  organizing,  re- 
fitting and  otherwise  preparing  for  the  inevitable.  Officers 
were  sent  to  many  parts  of  the  country  .to  secure  recruits 
Many  also  gave  up  details  nd  relinquished  their  leaves  of  ab- 
sence to  take  part  in  the  impending  crisis. 

May  14.  Wg  were  moved  a  little  nearer  the  probable 
theatre  of  operations.  On  account  of  some  deficiency  in  water 
for  troops  at  Tampa,  the  regiment  was  stopped  at  Lakeland, 
30  miles  this  side,  where  many  recruits  were  received ;  Troops 
increased  to  war  strength,  and  new  Troops  established.  Drills 
and  instructions  were  also  constantly  followed  up. 

June  6.  Orders  were  received  to  prepare  headquarters, 
band  and  eight  Troops  dismounted,  with  trained  men  only,  for 
service  in  Cuba.  Recruits  to  be  left  in  camp  with  horses  and 
property. 

June  7.  We  were  off  for  Port  Tampa,  where  the  regiment 
embarked  on  the  steamship  Leona  that  afternoon. 

June  8.  She  steamed  from  the  dock.  When  the  expedition 
seemed  to  be  forming,  news  was  received  that  the  dreaded 
Spanish  fleet  was  being  sighted,  evidently  lying  in  wait  for 
army  transports.  So  we  steamed  back  to  the  pier.  Many  of 
the  men  appeared  disappointed  at  the  move,  probably  not  rea- 
lizing that  there  was  too  much  water  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  for 
the  5th  Army  Corps  to  drink. 

To  my  mind,  the  Divine  Providence  surely  directed  the 
move,  as  the  delay  enabled  the  force  to  be  swelled  several 
thousand,  every  one  of  whom  was  needed  before  Santiago. 


REVIEW    A>SW    RElLFXriONS  $57 

June  14.  We  steamed  out  of  Tampa  Bay,  amid  cheers  and 
music  from  the  thirty  odd  transports,  heavily  escorted  by 
naval  vessels.  Among  them  were  the  much  talked-of  dyna- 
miter, Vesuvius,  and  the  beautiful  little  cruiser,  Helena.  Of!" 
Dry  Tortugas  that  formidable  warship,  Indiana,  joined  the 
fleet. 

Splendid  weather ;  nothing  unusual  transpiring,  though  our 
transport,  Avhich  also  contained  the  First  U.  S.  Cavalry,  had 
a  seemingly  close  call  from  being  sent  to  the  bottom  of  the 
sea,  or  else  being  taken  in  as  a  prisoner,  which  the  enemy  could 
have  done  with  impunity. 

Whilst  going  down  the  Saint  Nicholas  Chanel,  in  Cuban 
waters,  the  vessel  was  deliberately  stopped  about  midnight, 
June  16,  and  left  to  roll  in  the  trough  of  the  sea  until  the  morn- 
ing of  the  17th,  in  consequence  of  which  we  were  put  20  hours 
behind  the  fleet  and  without  escort,  almost  in  sight  of  the 
Cuban  shores. 

Men  were  indignant  at  having  been  placed  in  such  a  help 
less  position,  and  would  have  thrown  the  captain  of  the  ship, 
whom  they  accused  of  being  a  Spanish  sympathizer  and  other- 
wise disloyal,  overboard  without  ceremony,  but  for  the  strong 
arm  of  military  discipline.  We  were  picked  up  by  the  U.  S. 
Cruiser  Bancroft,  late  in  the  afternoon,  she  having  been  sent  in 
quest  of  the  Jonah  of  the  fleet.  Upon  approach  of  the  ship 
there  were  prolonged  cheers  from  all  of  Uncle  Sam's  defend- 
ers. The  only  explanation  that  I  have  ever  heard  for  this  un- 
pardonable blunder  on  the  part  of  the  ship's  crew  was  that  they 
mistook  a  signal  of  a  leading  vessel- 

June  20.     Land  was  sighted. 

June  21.     Dispatch  boats  active;  transports  circling;  Morro 
Castle  pointed  out;  three  days'  rations  issued  to  each  man; 
no  extra  impedimenta  to  be  taken  ashore;  crew  preparing  for 
landing. 
17 


7$8  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

June  22.  As  we  neared  Daiquiri,  the  designated  place  for 
disembarking,  flames  could  be  seen  reaching  almost  to  the 
heavens,  the  town  having  been  fired  by  the  fleeing  Spaniards 
upon  the  approach  of  war  vessels  of  Sampson's  fleet,  who  were 
assembling  to  bombard  the  shore  and  cover  our  landing.  After 
a  fierce  fire  from  these  ships,  the  landing  was  effected  with 
loss  of  two  men  of  our  regiment,  who  were  doubtless  crushed 
to  death  between  the  lighters.  They  were  buried  near  the  place 
of  recovery  the  next  morning. 

The  few  half-clothed  and  hungry-looking  natives  on  shore 
seemed  pleased  to  see  us.  Daiquiri,  a  shipping  point  of  the 
Spanish-American  Iron  Company,  was  mostly  deserted.  The 
board  houses  seemed  to  have  been  spared,  while  the  sun-burned 
huts  thatched  with  palm  were  still  smoking, also theroundhouse 
in  which  there  were  two  railroad  locomotives,  warped  and 
twisted  from  the  heat.  The  Spanish  evidently  fired  everything 
they  could  before  evacuating. 

June  23.  At  6.00  p.  m.  Troops  A,  B,  E  and  I,  left  with  four 
Troops  of  the  First  U.  S.  Cavalry  and  Rough  Riders  (First  U. 
S.  Volunteer  Cavalry)  as  advance  guard  of  the  Army  of  In- 
vasion on  the  main  road  to  Santiago  de  Cuba ;  about  800  men 
all  told,  three  Hotchkiss  guns,  manned  by  ten  cavalrymen,  ac- 
companied also  by  the  Brigadier  Commander,  General  S.  M.  B. 
Young  and  staff. 

Note. — These  troops  marched  about  13  miles  through  a 
drenching  rain  from  7  to  10  p.  m. ;  bivouacked  one  hour  later. 
On  the  24th,  after  breakfast,  took  the  trail  about  5.15  a  .m. 
The  vapor  from  wet  clothing  rose  with  the  sun,  so  that  yo« 
could  scarcely  recognize  a  man  ten  feet  away.  About  three 
and  one-half  miles  above  Siboney  the  command  was  halted; 
the  first  U.  S.  Volunteer  Cavalry  (Rough  Riders)  sent  to  the 


REVI£\V    AND    REFLECTIONS  259 

left;  proceeding  farther  about  one  mile,  the  main  column  was 
split,  First  U.  S.  Cavalry  going-  to  the  right,  the  Tenth  Cavalry 
remaining  in  the  center.  General  Wheeler  joined  at  this  point, 
accompanied  by  his  orderly.  Private  Queene,  Troop  A,  Tenth 
Cavalry.  Disposition  of  the  troops  was  explained  by  Greneral 
Young,  who  had  located  his  headquarters  with  the  Tenth  U. 
S.  Cavalry;  General  Wheeler  made  his  the  same.  Hotchkiss 
guns  were  ordered  closed  up;  magazines  filled.  The  column 
had  proceeded  but  a  short  way  when  the  engagement  opened 
in  all  its  fury;  troops  were  deployed  and  advanced  in  the  di- 
rection from  which  the  bullets  were  coming  the  thickest,  as 
rapidly  as  the  formation  of  the  ground  would  permit,  the  left 
of  the  line  touching  the  right  of  the  Rough  Riders. 

June  24.  Headquarters,  band  and  the  remainder  of  the 
First  and  Tenth  U.  S.  Cavalry  were  off  at  6  A.  M.  The  road 
was  alive  with  troops  (C,  D,  F,  G,)  colonels  and  privates  alike 
lugging  their  rations  and  bedding  beneath  that  ever  watchful 
tropical  sun,  feeling  as  though  they  would  wilt  at  every  step, 
the  undergrowth  being  so  thick  and  tall  that  scarcely  any 
breeze  could  get  to  you. 

On  emerging  from  this  thicket,  through  which  we  had  been 
inarching  for  several  hours,  the  Sampson  fleet  could  be  heard 
firing  on  the  Spanish  batteries  on  shore.  Marines  and  other 
troops  could  be  seen  crossing  the  mountains  above  Altares; 
this  revived  the  men  very  much.  As  we  approached  Verni 
Jarabo  (Altares?),  we  were  met  by  General  Lawton,  who  in- 
formed our  Colonel  that  the  advance  guard  was  engaged  with 
the  Spanish  at  La  Guasima,  and  that  it  was  hard  pressed.  Our 
pace  was  quickened;  the  news  appeared  to  lighten  our  heavy 
packs  as  we  toiled  to  the  front  to  assist  our  comrades.  The 
roar  of  the  artillery  became  plainer ;  wounded  men  along  the 


26o  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

road  as  well  as  those  played-out  from  the  intense  heat.  Wo- 
men and  children  were  fleeing  to  places  of  safety.  Our  forces 
were  repairing  a  railroad  engine  and  track;  also  tearing  up  a 
piece  leading  to  a  Spanish  blockhouse.  In  fact,  everything 
seemed  to  have  on  an  exceedingly  warlike  tint,  but  our  ad- 
vance continued  as  swifty  as  our  weary  feet  would  allow, 
which  soon  brought  us  to  a  number  of  our  own  comrades  con- 
veyed on  litters  from  La  Guasima,  where  our  advance  guard 
was  tussling  hard  with  the  Dons  for  the  honors  of  the  day. 

Upon  arrival  of  reinforcements,  victory  had  been  wrested 
from  the  Dons  fairly  by  the  advance  guard  without  assistance. 
Every  one  greeted  each  other,  as  though  it  had  been  a  year 
instead  of  a  few  hours  since  parting.  The  First  U.  S.  Cavalry 
and  Rough  Riders  were  unstinted  in  extolling  the  fighting 
qualities  of  their  brothers  in  arms,  the  Tenth  U.  S.  Cavalry, 

The  enemy  was  struck  early  June  24,  entrenched  on  the 
heights  of  La  Guasima,  near  Sevilla,  on  the  main  road  from 
Daiquiri  to  the  city  of  Santiago  de  Cuba.  The  advance  guard 
was  soon  hotly  engaged  with  them ;  after  a  very  desperate  fight 
of  over  one  hour,  the  enemy  was  driven  in  confusion  from 
their  intrenchments.  Our  men  were  too  exhausted  to  follow 
them.  The  Tenth  Cavalry  lost  13  killed  and  wounded.  For 
a  while  it  was  a  terrific  fight,  as  the  enemy  was  strongly  in- 
tienched  on  the  heights  and  our  men  had  to  climb  them  sub- 
jected to  their  fire,  which  was  very  accurate,  and  much  of  it 
doubtless  from  machine  gims  in  hands  of  experienced  men. 
Our  men  had  also  to  contend  with  the  thickest  underbrush, 
wire  fences  (the  famous  military  trochas)  and  Spanish  dag- 
gers jabbing  them  in  side  at  every  step.  For  a  while  the  situa- 
tion was  serious.  The  decisive  blow  of  the  attack  seems  to 
have  been  struck  at  an  opportune  moment,  and  the  enemy 
withdrew  in  confusion. 


RKVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  26 1 

It  has  been  estimated  that  about  4,000  Spanish  were  en- 
gaged. Everything  indicated  that  they  lost  heavily;  a  San- 
tiago paper  put  it  at  240.  The  writer  and  the  Sergeant-Major 
of  the  First  U.  S.  Cavalry  superintended  the  digging  of  one 
large  grave  where  all  the  dead  of  the  two  regiments  were  in- 
terred according  to  the  Episcopal  service.  The  Rough  Riders, 
being  farther  to  our  left,  buried  their  own.  If  advantage  of 
position  goes  for  anything,  the  Spanish  should  have  annihi- 
lated the  Americans  as  they  approached  the  stronghold. 

The  command  remained  on  the  battlefield  until  June  26, 
when  it  proceeded  to  Sevilla,  an  old  coffee  and  sugar  planta- 
tion, to  await  the  assembling  of  the  army  and  placing  of  the 
artillery. 

Our  camp  at  Sevilla  was  an  interesting  one  in  many  ways. 
It  was  pitched  between  the  main  road  and  a  stream  of  excel- 
lent water.  From  the  hill  beyond,  the  Spanish  works  could  be 
viewed.  From  the  roadside  many  acquaintances  were  seen, 
also  generals,  foreign  militar>'  attaches,  troops,  artillery  and 
pack  trains.  Wheeled  transportation  seemed  entirely  out  of  its 
place  in  Cuba ;  one  piece  of  artillery  was  noticed  with  24  horses 
tugging  away  at  it. 

The  Cuban  Army,  cavalry  and  infantry,  passed  us  at  this 
point,  which  seemed  to  consist  of  every  male  capable  of  swell- 
ing the  crowd.  Those  unable  to  carry  or  secure  guns  had  an 
old  knife  or  machete  strapped  to  them. 

On  June  30,  about  4  P.  M.,  shortly  after  our  daily  shower, 
which  was  a  little  more  severe  and  much  longer  than  usual,  the 
regiment  was  put  in  motion  for  the  front.  We  had  marched 
about  1600  yards  when  the  war  balloon  was  seen  ascending 
some  distance  to  our  right.  As  the  balloon  question  was  new, 
every  one  almost  was  stumbling  on  the  man's  heels  in  front, 
trying  to  get  a  peep  at  this  wonderful  war  machine. 


26«  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

After  much  vexatious  delay,  narrow  road  crowded  with 
troops,  a  pack  train  came  along  and  added  its  mite  to  the  con- 
gestion, as  some  of  the  mules  turned  their  heels  on  the  advanc- 
ing column  when  pushed  too  much. 

We  finally  merged  into  a  beautiful  lawn,  site  of  the  Divis- 
ion Hospital,  where  all  were  as  busy  as  beavers  in  placing  this 
indispensable  adjunct  in  order.  Here  the  work  of  July  i  was 
clearly  suggested.  Proceeding,  wading  and  rewading  streams, 
we  bivouacked  beyond  the  artillery  on  the  heights  of  El  Poso, 
an  old  sugar  plantation,  about  four  miles  off,  in  plain  view  of 
the  city  of  Santiago.  The  lights  of  the  city  showed  so 
brightly,  the  enemy  offering  no  resistance  to  our  advance,  I 
could  not  help  feeling  apprehensive  of  being  in  a  trap.  1 
thought  so  seriously  over  the  matter  that  I  did  not  unroll  my 
pack,  so  as  to  be  ready  at  an  instant.  Simply  released  my 
i>licker,  put  it  on,  and  lay  down  where  I  halted. 

Early  July  i  all  the  brigade  was  up,  getting  breakfast  and 
making  as  much  noise  as  if  on  a  practice  march.  The  Tenth 
Cavalry  did  not  make  any  fire  until  orders  were  received  to 
that  effect.  I  remarked  to  my  bunky  that  we  were  not  going 
to  fight  evidently,  as  the  smoke  would  surely  disclose  our 
presence  and  enable  the  enemy's  artillery  to  get  our  range. 
The  whole  of  Santiago  seemed  to  be  decorated  with  hospital 
fiags. 

At  6.30  a  shell  from  Capron's  battery,  U.  S.  Artillery,  di- 
rected at  a  blockhouse  in  El  Caney,  announced  that  the  battle 
was  on.  Then  the  musketry  became  general.  All  stood  and 
watched  the  doomed  village  quite  a  while  as  the  battle  pro- 
gressed. Soon  Grices'  battery  of  the  U.  S.  Artiller)',  which 
was  in  support,  belched  forth  destruction  at  the  Spanish  works 
of  the  city,  using  black  powder.    The  fire  was  almost  immed- 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  263 

lately  returned  by  the  enemy's  batteries,  who  had  smokeless. 
They  were  shortly  located  when  a  fierce  duel  took  place.  The 
Dons  were  silenced,  but  not  until  we  had  suffered  loss.  Dur- 
ing this  fire  an  aide — Lieut.  Wm.  E.  Shipp,  Tenth  Cavalry, 
Brigade  Quartermaster — ^brought  orders  for  us  to  take  posi- 
tion on  the  left  of  the  First  U.  S.  Cavalry.  The  line  extended 
nearly  north  and  south  on  a  ridge  some  three  or  four  miles 
from  the  city,  where  the  regiment  was  exposed  to  much  of 
the  return  fire  from  the  enemy's  batteries.  The  men  exhibited 
no  special  concern  and  watched  the  flight  of  the  death  mes- 
senger as  eagerly  as  if  at  a  horse  race.  Adjutant  Barnum 
here  divided  the  band  and  turned  it  over  to  the  surgeons  to 
assist  in  caring  for  the  wounded,  and  directed  Saddler  Ser- 
geant Smith  and  myself  to  accompany  the  Colonel  in  advance. 
When  Lieut.  Shipp  delivered  his  orders,  some  of  the  officers 
remarked,  "You  are  having  a  good  time  riding  around  here." 
He  replied  that  it  was  no  picnic  riding  among  bullets,  and 
that  he  would  prefer  being  with  his  troops. 

After  the  artillery  had  ceased  firing,  the  regiment  moved  to 
the  right,  passed  El  Poso,  where  there  were  additional  signs 
of  the  enemy's  havoc  among  our  troops,  proceeded  down  the 
road  leading  to  Santiago.  The  movement  of  the  regiment 
was  delayed  as  it  approached  the  San  Juan  River,  by  an  in- 
fantry brigade  which  had  halted. 

The  regiment  came  within  range  of  musket  fire  about  three- 
qiiarters  or  one-half  mile  from  the  crossing.  Upon  reaching 
the  ford  the  Colonel  (Baldwin)  rode  nearly  across  the  stream 
(closely  followed  by  his  regiment)  when  we  were  greeted  by 
the  Dons  with  a  terrific  volley  of  musketry,  soon  followed  by 
artillery,  which  caused  us  to  realize  more  fully  than  ever,  that 
"things  were  coming  our  way."    Orders  were  given  to  throw 


»64  REVIEW    ANI>    REt LECTIONS 

off  packs  and  get  cover.  In  removing  his,  Sergeant  Smith, 
on  my  immediate  left,  was  assisted  by  a  Spanish  bullet,  and 
an  infantry  soldier  fell  as  my  pack  was  thrown  off  to  the  right. 
.In  seeking  cover  men  simply  dropped  to  the  right  and  left  of 
the  road  in  a  prone  position. 

The  regiment  was  here  subjected  to  a  terrific  converging 
fire  from  the  blockhouse  and  intrenchments  in  front  and  the 
works  further  to  the  left  and  nearer  the  city.  The  atmos- 
phere seemed  perfectly  alive  with  flying  missiles  from  bursting 
shells  over  head,  and  rifle  bullets  which  seemed  to  have  an  ex- 
plosive effect.  Much  fire  was  probably  drawn  by  the  war  bal- 
loon, which  preceded  the  regiment  to  a  point  on  the  edge  of 
the  river,  near  the  ford,  where  it  was  held.  This  balloon  un- 
doubtedly rendered  excellent  service  in  locating  positions  of 
the  Spanish  works  and  developing  an  ambush  which  had  been 
laid  for  us,  but  the  poor,  ill-fated  balloon  certainly  receive<! 
•many  uncomplimentary  remarks  during  our  stay  in  its  vicinity. 

It  seemed  as  though  the  Spanish  regarded  the  balloon  as  an 
evil  agent  of  some  kind,  and  as  though  every  gun,  both  great 
and  small,  was  playing  on  it.  I  made  several  trips  under  it  fol- 
lowing the  Colonel,  who  repeatedly  rode  up  and  down  the 
stream,  and  I  w^ould  have  been  fully  satisfied  to  have  allowed 
my  mir]d  even  to  wander  back  to  the  gaily  lighted  ball  rooms 
^nd  festivals  left  behind  only  a  few  months  before. 

While  on  the  last  trip  under  the  balloon  a  large  naval  shell 
exploded,  knocking  the  Colonel's  hat  off,  crippling  his  horse, 
and  injuring  the  rider  slightly  in  the  arm  and  side,  all  of 
course,  in  addition  to  a  good  sand  bath.  I  then  joined  the 
regiment,  some  rods  beyond,  then  under  cover.  In  crouching 
down  behind  a  clump  of  brush,  heard  some  one  groan;  on 
looking  around,  saw  Private  Marshall  struggling  in  the  river 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  265 

wounded.  Immediately  rushing  to  his  assistance  another  of 
those  troublesome  sheUs  passed  so  close  as  to  cause  me  to  feel 
ihe  heat.  It  did  not  stop  the  effort,  however,  and  the  wounded 
man  was  placed  in  safety. 

The  regiment  remained  in  the  road  only  a  few  moments 
when  it  was  ordered  to  take  position  behind  the  river  bank 
some  yards  above  the  balloon  for  protection ;  while  moving  to 
ttiat  position,  and  while  there,  suffered  much  loss.  Why  we 
did  not  lose  heavier  may  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  the 
enemy's  musket  fire  was  a  trifle  high,  and  their  shells  timed 
from  one-half  to  one  second  too  long,  caused  them  to  explode 
beyond,  instead  of  in  front,  where  the  shells  would  have  cer- 
tainly secured  the  Dons'  maximum  results,  as,  after  the  bal- 
loon was  cut  down,  you  could  scarcely  hold  your  hand  up 
without  getting  it  hit.  During  the  battle,  one  trooper  fell 
upon  a  good-sized  snake  and  crushed  it  to  death,  and  another 
trooper  allowed  one  of  these  poisonous  reptiles  to  crawl  over 
him  while  dodging  a  volley  from  the  Spanish  Mausers. 

The  shrapnel  and  canister  shells,  with  their  exceedingly 
mournful  and  groaning  sound,  seemed  to  have  a  more  terrify- 
mg  effect  than  the  swift  Mauser  bullet,  which  always  rendered 
the  same  salutation,  "Bi-Yi."  The  midern  shrapnel  shell  is 
better  known  as  the  man-killing  projectile,  and  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  most  dangerous  of  all  projectiles  designed  for 
taking  human  life.  It  is  a  shell  filled  with  200  or  300  bullets, 
and  having  a  bursting  charge,  which  is  ignited  by  a  time  fuse, 
only  sufficient  to  break  the  base  and  release  the  bullets,  which 
then  move  forward  with  the  velocity  it  had  the  time  of  brust- 
ing.  Each  piece  is  capable  of  dealing  death  to  any  living 
thing  in  its  path.  In  practice  firing,  it  is  known  where,  by  one 
shot,  152  hits  were  made  by  a  single  shrapnel.     In  another, 


266  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

215  hits  are  recorded.  Imagine  then,  the  havoc  of  a  well-di- 
rected shrapnel  upon  a  group  of  men  such  as  is  here  repre- 
sented. Capron's  battery  at  El  Caney  cut  down  16  cavalrymen 
with  one  shell. 

After  a  delay  of  about  30  minutes,  during  part  of  the  time, 
the  writer,  assisted  by  Sergeant  Smith  and  Mr.  T.  A.  Baldwin, 
cut  all  the  wire  fences  possible.  Mr.  Baldwin  was  dangerously 
wounded  while  so  engaged  just  before  the  general  advance. 

The  regiment  merged  into  open  space  in  plain  view  of  and 
under  the  fire  of  the  enemy;  and  formed  line  of  battle  facing 
toward  the  blockhouses  and  strong  intrenchments  to  the  north, 
occupied  by  the  Spanish,  and  advanced  rapidly  in  this  forma- 
tion, under  a  galling,  converging  fire  from  the  enemy's  artil- 
lery and  infantry,  on  the  blockhouses  and  heavy  intrench- 
ments to  the  right  front.  Many  losses  occurred  before  reach- 
ing the  top  of  the  hill,  Lieut.  W.  H.  Smith  being  killed  while 
gallantly  conducting  his  troop  as  it  arrived  on  the  cresi. 
Lieut.  W.  E.  Shipp  was  killed  about  the  same  instant,  shortly 
after  leaving  Lieutenant  Smith,  furtlier  to  the  left  and  near 
the  pond  on  the  sunken  road  leading  to  Santiago.  Lieutenant 
Smith  was  struck  in  the  head  and  perished  with  a  single  groan. 
Lieutenant  Shipp  was  hit  near  the  heart ;  death  must  have  been 
almost  instantaneous,  though  it  appears  he  made  an  effort  to 
make  use  of  his  first  aid  package.  Thus  the  careers  of  two 
gallant  and  efficient  officers  whose  lives  had  been  so  closely  as- 
sociated were  ended. 

Private  Slaughter,  who  was  left  in  charge  of  Lieutenant 
Smith's  body,  was  picked  off  by  the  Spanish  sharpshooters, 
and  Private  Jackson,  Lieutenant  Shipp's  orderly,  was  left  as 
deaf  <xs  a  post  from  a  bursting  shell. 

The  enemy  having  been  driven  back,  northwest,  to  the  second 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  267 

and  third  blockhouses,  new  lines  were  formed  and  a  rapid  ad- 
vance made  upon  them  to  the  new  positions.  The  regiment  as- 
sisted in  capturing  these  works  from  the  enemy,  and  planted 
two  sets  of  colors  on  them,  then  took  up  a  position  to  the 
north  of  the  second  blockhouse.  With  some  changes  in  posi- 
tion of  troops,  this  line,  one  of  the  most  advanced,  about  three 
hundred  yards  of  the  enemy,  was  held  and  intrenchments 
dug  under  a  very  heavy  and  continuous  fire  from  the  Spanish 
intrenchments  in  front,  July  2  and  3. 

In  their  retreat  from  the  ridge,  the  enemy  stood  not  on  the 
order  of  their  going,  but  fled  in  disorder  like  so  many  sheep 
from  the  scene,  abandoning  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  which 
was  fired  at  them  subsequently  from  our  rapid-fire  guns.  Our 
men  were  too  exhausted  to  pursue  them,  footwear  and  cloth 
ing  being  soaked  by  wading  rivers,  they  had  become  drenched 
with  rain,  and  when  they  reached  the  crest  they  were  about 
played-out;  having  fought  about  12  hours,  most  of  which  was 
under  that  ever-relentless  tropical  sun. 

Throughout  the  night,  work  on  the  intrenchments  was 
pushed,  details  buried  the  dead,  improvised  litters,  and  con- 
veyed the  wounded  to  hospitals,  all  of  which  was  prosecuted 
with  that  vim  for  which  the  regular  soldier  is  characterized, 
notwithstanding  their  water-logged  condition. 

The  regiment  acted  with  extraordinary  coolness  and  brav- 
ery. It  held  its  position  at  the  ford  and  moved  forward  un- 
flinchingly after  deployment,  through  the  dense  underbrush, 
crossed  and  recrossed  by  barbed  wire,  under  heavy  and  almost 
plunging  fire  from  the  Spanish  works,  while  attacking  with 
small  arms  an  enemy  strongly  posted  in  intrenchments  and 
blockhouses,  supported  by  artillery,  and  who  stubbornly  con- 
tested every  inch  of  ground  gained  by  the  American  troops. 


268  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTI05JS 

Officers  were  exceedingly  active  and  tireless  in  their  efforts 
to  inspire  and  encourage  the  men.  You  could  hear  them  call 
out,  "Move  right  along;  the  Spaniards  can't  shoot;  they  are 
using  blanks."  One  officer  deliberately  stopped  and  lit  his  pipe 
amid  a  showier  of  bullets,  and  then  moved  on  as  unconcerned 
as  if  on  target  practice. 

The  rifle  pits  occupied  by  the  enemy  were  intrenchments  in 
reality,  dug  almost  shoulder  deep,  and  faced  with  stone,  being 
constructed  without  approaches,  leaving  the  only  avenue  for 
escape  over  the  parapet,  which  was  equivalent  to  committing 
suicide,  in  face  of  the  unerring  marksmanship  of  the  United 
States  troops. 

We  were  afterward  told  by  a  Spanish  soldier  how  they  were 
held  in  these  trenches  by  an  officer  stationed  at  each  end  with 
.1  club;  also  how  they  depended  on  their  officers  for  everything. 
This  may  account  for  the  large  percentage  of  our  officers 
picked  off  by  the  Dons.  I  observed  during  the  battle  that 
when  spotted  by  the  enemy,  delivering  orders  or  busying  about 
such  duties  as  usually  indicated  some  one  in  authority,  the 
Spanish  would  fire  whole  volleys  at  an  individual,  this  evi- 
dently with  a  view  to  demoralizing  the  rank  and  file  by  knock- 
ing off  the  officers. 

The  Spanish  also  tried  an  old  Indian  trick  to  draw  our  fire, 
or  induce  the  men  to  expose  themselves,  by  raising  their  hats 
on  sticks  or  rifles,  or  placing  them  upon  parapets,  so  when  we 
went  to  fire  they  would  aim  to  catch  us  as  we  rose  with  a 
terrific  volley.  The  Dons  were,  however,  soon  convinced  of 
their  folly  in  this  respect,  as  we  always  had  a  volley  for  the 
hats  and  a  much  stouter  one  for  the  enemy  as  he  raised  to  reply 
to  the  volley  at  the  hats.  The  Tenth  Cavalry  had  fought  In- 
dians too  long  in  the  West  to  be  foiled  in  that  manner. 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  269 

We  were  annoyed  much  by  the  Spanish  sharpshooters  sta- 
rloned  in  tops  of  the  beautiful  pahns  and  other  trees  of  dense 
foHage.  A  number  of  these  guerillas  were  found  provided 
with  seats,  water  and  other  necessaries,  and  I  am  told  some  of 
them  had  evidently  robbed  our  dead  to  secure  themselves  an 
American  uniform,  that  they  might  still  carry  on  their  nefar- 
ious work  undetected. 

Many  of  the  disabled  received  their  second  and  some  their 
mortal  wound,  while  being  conveyed  from  the  field  by  litter- 
bearers. 

Though  it  was  the  tendency  for  a  time  to  give  the  sharp- 
shooter story  little  or  no  credence,  but  to  lay  the  matter  to 
"spent  bullets";  it  seemed  almost  out  of  the  question  that 
"spent  bullets"  should  annoy  our  Division  Hospital,  some  four 
or  five  miles  from  the  Spanish  works.  It  would  also  seem 
equally  as  absurd  that  a  bullet  could  be  trained  to  turn  angles, 
as  several  of  our  men  were  hit  while  assembled  for  transfer 
to  general  hospital  and  receiving  temporary  treatment  at  the 
dressing  station  located  in  an  elbow  of  the  San  Juan  River. 

The  Division  Hospital  was  so  harassed  that  it  was  neces- 
asry  to  order  four  Troops  of  the  9th  U.  S.  Cavalry  there  for 
guard.  While  en  route  to  the  hospital  on  the  morning  of  July 
2  with  wounded,  I  saw  a  squad  of  the  2nd  U.  S.  Cavalry  after 
one  of  these  annoying  angels,  not  20  feet  from  the  road.  On 
arrival  at  the  hospital  I  was  told  by  a  comrade  that  several 
had  been  knocked  from  their  stage  of  action.  On  July  i,  our 
Color-Sergeant  was  shot  from  a  tree  after  our  line  had  passed 
beneath  the  tree  where  he  was  located.  July  3,  three  more 
fell  in  response  to  a  volley  through  tree  tops,  and  on  July  14, 
while  waiting  the  hand  to  reach  the  hour  for  the  bombardment 
of  the  city,  one  of  the  scoundrels  deliberately  ascended  a  tree 


3TO  RHVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

in  plain  view  of,  and  within  two  hundred  yards  of,  our  line. 
It  was  a  good  thing  that  the  white  flag  for  surrender  appeared 
before  the  hour  to  commence  firing,  otherwise  Spain  would 
have  had  at  least  one  less  to  haggle  with  on  account  of  back- 
pay. 

To  locate  a  sharpshooter  using  smokeless  powder  among  the 
dense  tropical  growth  may  be  compared  with  "looking  for  a 
needle  in  a  haystack." 

The  killed  and  wounded  in  battle  present  a  scene  well  cal- 
culated to  move  the  most  callous.  Men  shot  and  lacerated  in 
every  conceivable  manner ;  some  are  expressionless ;  some  just 
as  they  appeared  in  life;  while  others  are  pinched  and  drawn 
and  otherwise  distorted,  portraying  agony  in  her  most  dis- 
tressful state.  Of  the  wounded,  in  their  anguish,  some  are 
perfectly  quiet;  others  are  heard  praying;  some  are  calling  for 
their  mothers,  while  others  are  giving  out  patriotic  utterances, 
urging  their  comrades  on  to  victory,  or  bidding  them  farewell 
as  they  pass  on  to  the  front.  July  i,  in  passing  a  wounded 
comrade,  he  told  me  that  he  could  whip  the  cowardly  Spaniard 
who  shot  him,  in  a  fair  fist  fight. 

During  the  first  day's  battle  many  interesting  sights  were 
witnessed.  The  new  calibre  30  Catling  guns  were  in  action. 
These  cruel  machines  were  peppering  away  several  hundred 
shots  each  per  minute  and  sweeping  their  front  from  right  to 
left,  cutting  down  shrubbery  and  Spaniards  like  grain  before 
the  reaper.  I  observed  the  excellent  service  of  the  Hotchkiss 
Mountain  gun ;  they  certainly  do  their  work  to  perfection  and 
well  did  the  Dons  know  it.  Many  shots  fired  into  the  "blind 
ditches  and  blockhouses"  of  the  enemy  caused  them  to  scatter 
like  rats.  These  guns  use  a  percussion  shell  nearly  two  inches, 
and  can  be  packed  on  mules.     They  were  designed  for  light 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  271 

service  with  cavalry  on  the  frontier.  Four  of  these  "iittle 
beauties  were  manned  by  men  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry.  The 
Spanish  made  it  so  hot  for  the  boys  that  they  would  have  to 
roll  the  gun  under  cover  to  load,  and  then  steal  it  back  to  fire. 

I  saw  one  of  our  light  batteries  of  artillery  go  in  position 
under  fire  at  the  foot  of  San  Juan  Hill.  The  movement  was 
swiftly  and  skillfully  executed.  A  most  interesting-  feature 
of  this  was  to  see  the  Caissons,  drawn  by  six  magnificent 
horses,  off  for  ammunition.  Three  drivers  to  each  outfit,  one 
to  each  pair  of  horses;  all  plying  the  whip  at  every  jump, 
would  remind  you  of  a  Roman  chariot  race  coming  around  on 
their  last  heat. 

Wheeled  vehicles  of  war  suffer  more  than  other  troops,  on 
account  of  their  stationary  positions.  It  is  here  that  the 
dreaded  sharpshooter  comes  in  for  glory,  by  picking  off  the 
gunners  and  other  individuals. 

Pack  trains  were  seen  dashing  along  the  line  with  that  al- 
ways absolutely  essential — ammunition — thereby  gladdening 
the  hearts  of  the  boys  who  were  doing  their  utmost  to  expend 
every  round  in  their  belts  to  gain  another  foot  of  Spanish  ter- 
ritory. 

During  all  these  stirring  events  the  stomachs  of  the  real 
heroes  were  not  neglected,  and  most  certainly  not  along  our 
part  of  the  line.  Pack  mules  were  brought  right  up  to  the 
line  under  a  hot  fire,  loaded  with  sugar,  coffee,  bacon  and 
hardtack,  all  of  which  was  in  plenty.  Some  of  the  mules  were 
killed  and  wounded,  but  this  did  not  retard  the  advance  of  the 
train.  When  near  the  firing  line  some  one  called,  "Whose 
rations?"    A  prompt  reply,  "Hungry  soldiers." 

The  daring  horseman  was  all  that  was  needed  to  make  the 
situation  complete.     Without  participation    of    cavalry,    the 


2  72  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

ideal  warrior  disappears  from  the  scene,  and  the  battle  and 
picture  of  war  is  robbed  of  its  most  attractive  feature. 

Late  in  the  afternoon,  July  i,  I  was  directed  to  take  Sad- 
dler Sergeant  Smith  and  bring  to  the  firing  line  all  the  men  I 
could  find  of  the  regiment.  Going  to  the  dressing  station,  col- 
lected those  who  had  brought  or  assisted  wounded  there, 
thence  across  a  portion  of  the  field  passed  over  a  few  hours 
jtrevious.  Men  were  found  almost  exhausted,  soaking  wet,  or 
a  solid  mass  of  mud,  resting  as  comfortably  as  if  in  the  finest 
of  beJs;  many  of  them  had  been  on  picket  duty  all  night  be- 
fore, to  which  was  added  the  hard  day's  work  not  then  com- 
pleted. After  locating  all  I  could,  we  went  to  the  crest  of  the 
San  Juan  Hill,  to  the  left  of  the  sunken  road,  where  the  First 
U.  S,  Cavalry  was  reforming,  and  there  picked  up  a  few  more 
who  had  joined  that  regiment. 

The  Tenth  Cavalry  having  in  the  meantime  taken  another 
position,  I  set  out  to  find  it,  going  in  front,  telling  Smith  to 
bring  up  the  rear.  We  were  detained  a  short  time  near  Sunken 
Roads  by  shells  from  Cervera's  fleet,  which  were  falling  in  it  at 
a  lively  rate.  Barbed  wire  prevented  us  from  "running  the 
gauntlet."  Shortly  after  crossing  the  road  an  officer  passed 
us,  his  horse  pushed  to  his  utmost,  telling  us  to  take  all  the  am- 
munition that  we  possibly  could  on  the  firing  line.  About  that 
instant,  the  pack  train  came  thundering  by,  which  we  re- 
lieved of  a  few  thousand  rounds  in  short  order.  I  was  much 
amused  at  one  of  the  men  who  innocently  asked,  "Where  are 
we  to  get  axes  to  burst  these  strong  boxes?"  The  job  was 
speedily  accomplished  before  the  boxes  were  on  the  ground 
good,  and  most  certainly  in  less  time  than  it  would  have  taken 
to  explain  matters  to  the  inexperienced.  We  were  soon  off 
2gain,  tramping  all  over  the  country,  through  darkness,  run- 


REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS  273 

iiing  into  wire  entanglements,  outposts  and  pickets,  and  within 
fifty  yards  of  the  enemy  (subsequently  ascertained). 

About  11.00  P.  M.  found  Colonel  Roosevelt  a  few  hundred 
yards  from  the  Spanish  lines  with  some  of  my  regiment,  the 
First  Cavalry,  and  Rough  Riders,  at  work  on  trenches,  where 
we  reported.  All  seemed  glad  to  have  my  little  reinforcement, 
about  65  men,  and  ammunition.  I  never  felt  so  relieved  ar 
anything  as  I  did  to  get  that  herculean  task  off  my  hands,  a 
job  as  hard  as  working  a  problem  in  the  third  book  of  Euclid. 
The  men  were  so  tired  that  they  would  lie  down  at  every  stop 
to  find  the  right  road  or  the  way  out  of  the  wire  entangle- 
ments constantly  encountered.  I  have  never  seen  in  a  book 
anything  to  equal  the  Spanish  wire  entanglements.  Barbed 
wire  was  stretched  in  every  nook  and  corner,  through  streams, 
grass,  and  from  two  inches  to  six  feet  in  height,  and  from  a 
corkscrew  to  a  cable  in  design.  It  takes  the  nerve  of  a  circus 
man  to  get  men  along  when  they  are  so  exhausted  that  every 
place  feels  alike  to  them,  and  that  they  w^ould  gladly  give 
away  Mr.  Jim  Hill's  fortune  if  they  possessed  it,  for  a  few 
hours'  sleep. 

On  arrival  at  the  front,  lunch  was  about  over  or  just  ready. 
Lieutenant  E.  D.  Anderson  (loth  Cavalry)  gave  me  two  and 
one-half  hardtacks  from  his  supply,  which  he  carried  in  his 
bosom.  I  was  soon  down  for  a  little  rest;  all  desultory  fir- 
ing had  ceased ;  the  pick  and  the  shovel  were  the  only  things  to 
disturb  the  quietude  of  that  anxious  night.  Had  been  down 
but  a  short  time  when  aroused  by  one  of  the  Rough  Riders, 
who  had  some  rice  and  meat  in  an  ammunition  box  which  he 
brought  from  the  captured  blockhouse.  The  meat  was  un- 
doubtedly mule,  as  the  longer  I  chewed  it  the  larger  and  more 
spongy  it  got,  and  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  I  had  had 
18 


2/4  REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS 

some  experience  in  the  same  line  many  years  before  in  Mexico 
while  in  pursuit  of  hostile  Indians,  I  would  certainly  have  ac- 
cused our  best  friends  (Rough  Riders)  of  feeding  us  rubber. 
I  made  another  effort  for  a  little  sleep,  and  was  again  aroused 
by  some  one  passing  around  hardtack,  raw  bacon,  etc.,  with  in- 
structions as  to  where  to  go  to  cook  it.  I  thanked  him  and 
carefully  laid  it  aside  to  resume  my  nap.  At  2.40  A.  M.  the 
pickets  were  having  such  a  lively  set  to,  that  I  thought  the  gen- 
eral engagement  was  on.  It  was  at  this  time  I  discovered 
that  I  was  shivering  cold,  and  that  my  teeth  were  rattling  equal 
to  a  telegraph  sounder;  so  under  the  circumstances,  I  con- 
cluded not  to  try  for  any  more  sleep.  The  dew  was  falling 
thick  and  heavy;  no  coat,  no  blanket,  top  shirt  torn  in  strips 
from  the  brush,  and  undershirt  wet  and  in  my  pack,  thrown  oft' 
on  coming  into  battle. 

Early  July  22nd  the  artillery  took  position  on  our  left. 
Pickets  kept  up  firing  from  2.40  A.  M.  until  5.25,  when  the 
engagement  became  general.  Shortly  after  6.00  A.  M.  our 
artillery  opened  on  the  Spanish  works,  who  promptly  returned 
the  compliment.  During  the  firing  the  Dons  exploded  a  shell 
in  the  muzzle  of  one  of  our  pieces.  Adjutant  Barnum  fell  at 
6.30  A.  M. ;  his  wound  was  promptly  dressed,  when  I  started 
to  the  Division  Hospital  with  him.  Though  seriously  hurt,  I 
have  never  seen  a  better  natured  man.  While  en  route,  we 
laid  him  down  to  eat  a  can  of  salmon  found  in  the  road.  In  re- 
sponse to  his  query,  "What's  up,  Sergeant?"  the  salmon  was 
passed  him;  he  helped  himself,  no  further  questions  were 
asked,  and  the  journey  was  resumed.  Oh  arrival  at  the  hospi- 
tal he  was  quickly  examined  and  placed  on  a  comfortable  cot. 
Many  of  the  attendtns  were  completely  played-out  from  over- 
work, 


REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS  275 

A  visit  to  a  field  hospital  will  have  a  lasting  place  in  your 
memory.  Every  way  you  turn,  amid  the  cries  and  groans, 
you  get  a  beck  or  call  to  ease  this,  or  hand  me  that,  and  one 
feels  badly  because  of  his  inability  to  extend  them  material  aid 
in  their  sufferings. 

On  returning  to  the  front,  I  found  the  regiment  as  hotly 
engaged  as  v.hen  I  left  it  some  hours  before.  As  the  fighting 
was  from  trenches,  many  of  our  men  were  wounded  by  shells. 
Sharpshooters  were  on  hand  as  usual.  I  was  sent  to  the  Cap- 
tain of  Troop  E,  under  the  crest  of  the  hill,  with  orders  to  dig 
an  approach  to  one  of  the  enemy's  trenches,  evacuated  the  day 
before ;  also  to  bury  some  of  their  dead.  While  delivering  the 
order,  it  being  necessary  to  get  very  close  on  account  of  the 
noise,  one  of  those  ever  vigilant  sharpshooters  put  a  bullet  be- 
tween our  faces.  The  Captain  asked  me  to  cut  the  wire  fence 
so  his  troops  could  get  through  more  rapidly;  while  telling  me, 
another  bullet  passed  so  close  as  to  disturb  the  Captain's 
mustache.  He  took  it  good-naturedly,  only  remarking  as  he 
smiled,  "Pretty  close,  Sergeant-Major!" 

Firing  ceased  about  8  P.  M.  After  all  had  had  supper  we 
changed  position  further  to  the  right,  where  work  on  trenches 
was  resumed.  About  10.30  P.  M.  the  Spaniards  made  an  at- 
tack upon  our  lines,  and  I  have  never  before  or  since  seen  such 
terrific  firing;  the  whole  American  line,  which  almost  encircled 
the  city,  was  a  solid  flame  of  fire.  The  enemy's  artillery  re- 
plied, also  their  much-praised  "Mausers,"  but  to  no  avail;  they 
had  opened  the  ball,  but  Uncle  Sam's  boys  did  not  feel  like 
yielding  one  inch  of  the  territory  so  dearly  bought. 

About  midnight  all  hands  were  aroused  by  the  dynamite 
cruiser  Vesuvius  "coughing"  for  the  Dons.  The  roar  was  so 
great  that  it  seemed  to  shake  the  whole  island.     To  the  unin- 


276  REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS 

itiated  it  would  appear  that  some  one  had  taken  a  few  moun- 
tains several  miles  up  in  a  balloon  and  thrown  them  down. 

July  3.  Firing  by  pickets  commenced  very  early,  and  quite 
heavy,  at  5.40  A.  M.  Terrific  cannonading  to  the  seaward 
was  heard  between  9  and  10  A.  M.  As  there  was  some  talk  of 
the  enemy  making  a  sortie,  all  eyes  were  open.  Dirt  began 
falling  in  the  pits  from  the  jar,  bells  could  be  heard  tolling  in 
the  city,  and  steam  whistles  in  the  harbor.  There  was  much 
speculation  as  to  what  was  in  progress.  I'll  say  that  there 
were  many  glad  hearts  when  the  news  reached  us  that  Samp- 
son's fleet  zvas  King  of  the  Seas.  At  12  M.  all  firing  was  or- 
dered off,  for  flag  of  truce  to  enter  the  Spanish  lines.  When 
the  order  for  cease  firing  was  given,  one  of  the  troopers  laid 
his  gun  upon  the  parapet  and  remarked  that  he  "would  not 
take  $2000  for  his  experience,  but  did  not  want  a  cent's  worth 
more."  Work  on  bomb-proofs  and  breast  works  was  contiii- 
ued  incessantly  until  news  of  the  surrender  reached  us. 

July  4.  Flag  of  truce  all  day ;  national  and  regimental  colors 
placed  on  parapets.  At  noon  the  regiment  paraded,  and  all 
hearts  cheered  by  the  patriotic  telegram  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief — His  Excellency,  President  McKinley.  Refugees,  in 
droves,  could  be  seen  leaving  for  several  days^  notice  of  bom- 
bardment having  been  served  on  the  city. 

July  5.  There  was  much  excitement  when  Lieutenant  Hob- 
son  and  party  crossed  our  lines. 

During  truce,  the  monotony  was  broken  occasionally  by  the 
presence  of  Spanish  soldiers  in  quest  of  something  to  eat  or 
desiring  to  surrender. 

Truce  was  off  July  10  at  4  P.  M.  Bombardment  of  the  city 
commenced  by  the  army  and  navy  combined,  which  continued 
until  2  P.  M.  nth.    Catling,  dynamite,  rapid-firino-  and  Hotch- 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECtlONS  277 

kiss  guns  were  so  well  trained  that  the  Dons  scarcely  dared  to 
raise  their  heads,  and  their  firing  was  soon  silenced.  During 
the  attack  our  part  of  the  line  suffered  no  loss.  While  occupy- 
ing these  works,  it  was  discovered  that  the  gun  of  the  enemy 
that  annoyed  ns  most  icas  quite  near  a  large  building  covered 
zvith  Red  Cross  flags. 

During  the  truce  all  of  our  dead  were  located  and  buried. 
It  was  sad,  indeed,  to  see  the  vultures  swarming  like  flies, 
when  we  knew  so  well  their  prey. 

Though  prepared  to,  several  time?,  no  shots  were  exchanged 
after  July  ii,  and  all  was  quiet  until  date  of  capitulation.  The 
hardest  rain  ever  witnessed,  accompanied  by  terrific  thunder 
and  lightning,  was  on  the  last  day  of  the  engagement. 
Trenches  were  flooded  and  everything  appeared  as  a  sea. 

July  17,  at  9  A.  M.,  the  regiment,  with  the  remainder  of  the 
army,  was  assembled  over  the  trenches  to  witness  the  formal 
surrender  of  General  Toral,  with  the  Spanish  forces.  Owing 
to  the  dense  tropical  growth,  and  its  similarity  in  color  to 
their  clothing,  little  or  nothing  could  be  seen,  beyond  the  straw 
hats  of  the  Dons,  as  they  marched  through  the  jungles.  At 
12  M.,  we  were  again  placed  in  the  same  position,  to  salute 
"Old  Glory"  as  she  ascended  over  the  Governor's  palace  in  the 
city,  which  was  told  by  Capron's  battery  U.  S.  Artillery.  At 
the  first  shot,  every  individual  tested  his  lungs  to  their  fullest 
capacity,  bands  of  music  playing  national  airs. 

Spanish  soldiers  were  soon  over  our  lines,  trading  off  swords, 
wine,  cigarettes  and  trinkets  for  hard  tack  and  bacon.  This 
soon  ended,  as  there  were  positive  orders  against  our  fraterniz- 
ing. The  Spaniards  were  a  fine  looking  lot  of  young  men; 
though  generally  small  in  stature,  and  were  very  neat  and 
clean,  considering.    The  officers  were  an  intelligent  and  digni- 


278  REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 

fied  looking  set.  The  Dons  were  away  ahead  on  ammunition.^ 
and  away  behind  on  eatables.  A  few  musty,  hard  tack,  thrown 
in  our  trenches,  were  devoured  like  so  much  fresh  beef,  by  so 
many  hungry  wolves. 

Campaigning  in  the  tropics  entails  many  hardships,  though 
unavoidable  and  only  to  be  expected,  in  war.  War  is  horrible 
in  any  aspect  in  which  it  may  be  viewed.  Even  those  features 
of  it  intended  to  be  merciful,  are  full  of  harshness  and  rigor; 
and  after  all,  fighting  is  the  easiest  part. 

As  the  capitulation  was  complete,  and  Santiago  was  our's, 
we  were  ordered  to  change  camp  to  a  more  healthful  localit_v, 
with  a  view  to  allowing  the  men  to  recuperate.  While  en  route 
iiany  refugees  were  met  returning  to  the  city,  men  and  wo- 
•nen,  with  the  scantiest  clothing  imaginable;  large  children 
even  worse — in  a  nude  state — all  were  making  signs  for  some- 
thing to  eat. 

In  passing  through  El  Caney,  filth  of  all  descriptions  was 
piled  up  in  the  streets;  stock  was  seen  standing  inside  dwell- 
ings with  occupants;  young  and  old  were  emaciated — walk- 
ing skeletons;  children  with  stomachs  bloated  to  thrice  their 
natural  size — due  to  the  unsanitary  condition  of  the  huts,  so 
I  was  informed. 

The  bare  facts  are,  that  "half  has  never  been  told"  regard- 
ing the  true  condition  of  the  Cubans,  and  it  is  truly  a  God- 
send that  "Uncle  Sam"  was  not  delayed  another  day  in  letting 
the  Don's  breathe  a  little  of  nature's  sweetest  fragrance  of  the 
nineteenth  century — Civilization. 

The  portion  of  the  island  I  saw  appears  to  be  a  beautiful 
park  deserted  and  laid  waste  by  the  lavish  application  of  the 
torch  for  many  years.  Magnificent  mansions,  or  dwellings,  in 
ruins ;  habitation  scant,  except  near  towns. 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS  279 

There  were  no  domestic  animals,  except  a  few  for  saddle 
purposes,  nor  were  there  crops  to  be  seen.  No  use  whatever 
appears  to  be  made  of  the  luxuriant  pasturage  and  rich  fields. 
Sugar  houses  and  sheds  on  plantations  are  in  a  state  of  decay, 
and  the  huge  kettles  for  boiling  deeply  coated  with  rust. 

The  climate  of  Cuba  offers  all  the  essentials,  heat,  moisture 
and  organic  matter,  for  the  deveLopment  of  germ  life  in  its 
most  active  form. 

The  great  heat  and  moisture,  so  excellent  for  the  develop- 
ment of  infected  wounds,  and  for  the  rapid  decomposing  of  the 
heavy  undergrowth  cannot,  I  believe,  be  exceeded  anywhere. 

Tlte  frequent  tropical  showers,  invariably  followed  by  a  hot 
steam,  along  with  which  germs  seem  to  float ;  the  consequent 
exposure  of  the  men  to  that  glaring  heat  and  moisture,  low- 
ered the  general  tone  of  the  system  so  that  they  were  especially 
liable  to  attacks  of  miasmatic  diseases  (malarial  and  typhoid 
fevers  and  dysentery.) 

Owing  to  the  dense  humidity,  clothing  does  not  dry  so  long 
as  it  remains  on  the  person,  but  must  be  rerrtoved,  a  condition 
that  was  absolutely  impossible  for  many  days  on  the  field  be- 
fore Santiago.  To  this  alone,  much  of  our  sickness  may  be 
attributed. 

Our  new  camp,  pitched  on  the  eminence  of  El  Caney.  about 
one  and  one-half  miles  from  the  village,  overlooking  the  city 
and  bay  of  Santiago,  with  its  excellent  water,  shade,  grass, 
and  increased  comforts,  which  were  daily  shipped  from  our 
transports,  presented  a  scene  far  more  conciliatory  than  had 
been  witnessed  about  the  Tenth  Horse  for  many  days. 


2So 


REVIEW    AND    REFLECTIONS 


MEDALS    OF    HONOR    AND    CERTIFICATES 

MERIT  GRANTED  TO  COLORED  SOLDIERS 

FOR  DISTINGUISHED  SERVICES  IN 

THE     CUBAN     CAMPAIGN. 

OFFICIAL. 

MEDALS  OF  HONOR. 


OF 


Name. 


Rank  iRe{i;iment.  Troop  or  Co. 


Bell,  Dennis  Pvt. 

Lee,  Fitz  Pvt. 

Tompkins,  Wm.  H.  Pvt. 
Wanton,  Geo.  H.    |?vt. 


10th  Cav.  Troop  H. 

1 10th  Cav.  !Troop  M. 

,10th  Cav.  iTroop  M. 

llOth  Cav.  Troop  M. 


Remarks. 


For  gallantry  in  action  at 

Tayabacoa,  Cuba, 

June  30,  1898. 


CERTIFICATES  OF  MERIT. 

Name. 

Rank. 

Regiment. 

Troop  or  Co. 

Remarks. 

Bates,  James 

Pvt. 

9th  Cav. 

Troop  H. 

Crosby,  Scott 

Pvt. 

24th  Inf. 

Comp.  A. 

Davis,  Edward 

Pvt. 

9th  Cav. 

Troop  H. 

Elliott,  J. 

Sergt. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  D. 

Fasit,  Benjamin 

Sergt. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  E. 

Gaither,  O. 

Q.M.  Sergt 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  E. 

Goff,  G.  W. 

Sergt. 

9th  Cav. 

Troop  B. 

Graham,  J. 

Sergt. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  E. 

Hagen,  Abram 

Corp. 

24th  Inf. 

Comp.  G. 

Herbert,  H.  T. 

Corp. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  E. 

Houston,  Adam 

1st  Sergt. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop   C. 

Jackson,  J. 

1st  Sergt. 

9th  Cav. 

Troop  C. 

Jackson,  Elisha 

Sergt. 

9th  Cav. 

Troop  H. 

Ja  kson,  Peter 

Corp. 

24th  Inf. 

Comp.  G. 

Jefferson,  C-  W. 

1st  Sergt. 

9th  Cav. 

Troop   B. 

McCoun,  P. 

1st  Sergt. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  E. 

Moore,  Loney 

Pvt. 

24th  Inf. 

Comp.  A. 

Oden,  Oscar 

Musician 

10th  Cav. 

Payne,  William 

Sergt. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop   E. 

Pumphrey,  Geo.  W 

Corp. 

9th  Cav. 

Troop  H. 

yatchell,  James 

Se  gt. 

24th  Inf. 

Comp.  A. 

Smith,  L. 

Pvt. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  D. 

Thornton,  William 

Corp. 

24th  Inf. 

Comp.  G. 

Walker,  J. 

Corp. 

10th  Cav. 

Troop  D. 

Williams,  John  T. 

Sergt. 

24th  Inf 

Comp.  G. 

Williams,  R. 

Corp. 

24th  Inf. 

Comp.  B. 

Besides  the  Certificates  of  Merit  and  Medals  of  Honor, 
mentioned  above,  and  the  promotions  to  commissions  in  the 
volunteer  services,  there  were  some  instances  of  promotion  to 


REVIEW   AND    REFLECTIONS 


281 


non-commissioned  officers'  positions  of  men  in  the  ranks  or 
junior  grade  for  conspicuous  gallantry.  Notably  among  such 
were  Benjamin  F.  Sayre,  of  the  Twenty-fourth,  promoted  to 
Sergeant-Ma j or  for  gallantry  at  San  Juan,  and  Private  James 
W.  Peniston,  of  the  Tenth  Cavalry,  promoted  to  Squadron 
Sergeant-Major  for  conspicuous  bravery  at  Las  Guasimas, 
Others  there  may  be  whose  names  are  not  available  at  this 
time. 


282  THE     COLORED    VOLUNTEERS 


CHAPTER  XL 


THE   COLORED  VOLUNTEERS. 

The  Ninth  Ohio  Battalion — Eighth  Illinois — Twenty-third  Kansas — 
Third  North  Carolina — Sixth  Virginia — Third  Alabama— The  Im- 
munes. 

The  return  of  the  army  and  the  repatriation  of  the  Spanish 
army  from  Cuba,  brought  before  the  country  for  immediate 
solution  the  problem  of  garrisoning  that  island ;  and  in  a  very 
short  time  the  question  of  similar  nature  regarding  Porto 
Rico.  Ten  regiments  of  immunes  had  been  organized  in  the 
volunteer  service  partly  in  anticipation  of  such  a  situation. 
Four  of  these  regiments  were  composed  of  colored  enlisted 
men.  The  regiments  were  classed  as  United  States  Volunteer 
Infantry,  and  were  numbered  from  one  to  ten,  the  Seventh, 
Eighth,  Ninth  and  Tenth  being  colored. 

Of  these  four  colored  regiments  the  officers  above  first  lieu- 
tenants were  white  men,  except  the  chaplains,  and  in  some 
cases  the  surgeons.  Very  little  care  had  been  taken  in  enlist- 
ing the  men,  as  it  was  important  to  get  the  regiments  in  the 
field  as  soon  as  possible;  yet  of  them  as  a  whole  General 
Breckinridge,  Inspector-General,  speaks  as  follows :  "The 
colored  regiments  of  immunes,  so  called,  raised  for  this  war, 
have  turned  out,  so  far  a«*  can  be  judged  from  their  camp  life 
(as  none  of  them  have  been  in  any  actual  campaign),  very 
satisfactory.  The  regular  colored  regiments  won  golden  opin- 
ions in  battle.  The  experiment  of  having  so  many  colored  offi- 
cers has  not  yet  shown  its  full  results.  Certainly  we  should 
have  the  best  obtainable  officers  for  our  volunteers,  and  there- 


THE    COLORED    VOLUNTEERS  283 

fore  some  such  men  as  Colonel  Young,  who  is  a  graduate  of 
the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  whether  white  or  black, 
must  be  sought  for." 

Besides  these  four  colored  regiments  of  immunes,  so-called, 
there  were  other  State  organizations  composed  entirely  of 
colored  men,  mustered  into  the  United  States  service,  as  for 
example  the  Ninth  Battalion  of  the  Ohio  National  Guard. 
This  organization  was  composed  of  four  companies,  with  col- 
ored captains  and  lieutenants,  the  staff  officers  also  being  col- 
ored, the  commanding  officer  of  the  battalion  being  Major 
Young,  who  was  a  first  lieutenant  in  the  Regular  Army,  a 
graduate  from  the  Military  Academy,  and  an  officer  of  ex- 
perience. He  is  the  person  referred  to  as  Colonel  Young  by 
General  Breckinridge,  cited  just  above.  This  battalion,  al- 
though not  permitted  to  do  any  active  campaigning,  main- 
tained itself  well  in  that  most  trying  of  all  duties  for  raw 
troops — camp  duty — winning  a  good  record  in  the  South  as 
well  as  in  the  North,  having  been  stationed  in  Virginia,  Penn- 
sylvania and  lastly  in  South  Carolina;  from  which  latter 
place  it  was  mustered  out,  and  the  men  proceeded  to  their 
homes  in  an  orderly  manner,  reflecting  credit  upon  themselves 
and  the  officers  under  whom  they  had  served.  This  organiza- 
tion is  mentioned  first,  because  it  was  the  only  one  of  its  kind 
commanded  by  a  Regular  Army  officer,  and  a  man  who  had 
received  scientific  military  training.* 

Two  of  these  volunteer  regiments,  the  Eighth  Illinois  and 
the  Twenty-third  Kansas,  reached  Cuba  and  made  history 
there,  in  garrison  service,  coming  in  direct  contact  with  the 
Ninth  Immunes,  and  in  no  sense  suffering  in  comparison  there- 

*See  "Outline  History  of  the  Ninth  (Separate)  Battalion  Ohio  Volun- 
teer Infantry,"  by  the  Battalion  Adjutant,  Lieutenant  Nelson  Ballard, 
following  the  close  of  this  chapter. 


«84  THE    COLORED   VOLUNTEERS 

to.  The  Eighth  Illinois  being  the  first  to  go  to  the  front,  in  a 
sense  deserves  to  be  noticed  here  first.  This  remarkable  regi- 
ment was  developed  out  of  the  Ninth  Battalion,  Illinois  Na- 
tional Guard,  and  owes  its  origin  to  the  persistent  efforts  of 
Messrs.  John  R.  Marshall,  Robert  R.  Jackson,  Franklin  Den- 
nison,  E.  H.  Wright,  Rev.  R.  C.  Ransom,  Rev.  J.  W.  Thomas, 
S.  B.  Turner  and  doubtless  many  others  whose  names  do  not 
appear.  These  gentlemen  named  called  upon  the  Governor  of 
their  State  the  next  day  after  the  President  had  issued  his 
call  for  175,000  volunteers,  and  received  from  that  official  the 
assurance  that  if  another  call  should  be  made  they  should  have 
the  opportunity  to  recruit  their  battalion  to  a  regiment,  and 
that  he  would  "call  that  regiment  first  into  the  service,"  and 
"that  every  officer  in  that  regiment  will  be  a  colored  man." 

After  receiving  this  encouragement,  the  leaders  began  at 
once  the  work  of  organizing  and  recruiting,  and  when  the 
second  call  came.  May  25th,  the  regiment  was  well  under  way, 
and  soon  ready  to  go  into  camp  to  prepare  for  service.  On 
June  30th  it  assembled  in  Springfield  from  the  following 
places  :  Seven  hundred  men  from  Chicago ;  one  hundred  and 
twenty  from  Cairo;  a  full  company  from  Quincy,  and  smaller 
numbers  from  Mound  City,  Metropolis  and  Litchfield,  and 
nearly  a  company  from  Springfield.  The  regiment  was  sworn 
in  during  the  latter  half  of  July,  the  muster  roll  showing 
1,195  men  and  46  officers,  every  one  of  whom  was  of  African 
descent  except  one  private  in  a  Chicago  company. 

Of  these  forty-six  officers,  ten  hdd  received  college  educa- 
tion, six  were  lawyers,  and  the  others  were  educated  in  the 
public  schools,  or  had  served  in  the  Regular  Army  as  non-com- 
missioned officers.  Many  of  them  were  directly  from  Illinois, 
that  is  in  the  sense  of  having  been  born   and   reared  in  the 


THE     COLORED   VOLUNTEERS  285 

State,  and  were  fully  accustomed  to  the  full  exercise  of  their 
rights  as  men  and  citizens.  In  character  and  intelligence  the 
official  element  of  the  Eighth  was  about  up  to  the  standard  oi 
the  volunteer  army,  as  events  subsequently  proved. 

Going  into  camp  with  the  Ninth,  vv^hite,  this  latter  reigment, 
early  in  August,  received  an  order  to  move  to  a  Southern 
camp  en  route  for  Cuba,  leaving  the  Eighth  behind,  greatly  to 
the  chagrin  of  both  officers  and  men.  Governor  Tanner  was 
evidently  disturbed  by  this  move,  and  expressed  himself  in  the 
following  language :  "Even  from  the  very  doors  of  the  White 
House  have  I  received  letters  asking  and  advising  me  not  to 
officer  this  regiment  with  colored  men,  but  I  promised  to  do  so, 
and  I  have  done  it.  I  shall  never  rest  until  I  see  this  regiment 
— my  regmient — on  the  soil  of  Cuba,  battling  for  the  right  and 
for  its  kinsmen." 

Later  the  misfortunes  of  the  First  Illinois  proved  the  op- 
portunity of  the  Eighth.  This  regiment  was  in  Cuba,  suffer- 
ing terribly  with  the  fever,  the  men  going  down  under  its 
effects  so  rapidly  that  the  Colonel  in  command  implored  Gov- 
ernor Tanner  "to  use  all  influence  at  Washington  to  secure 
the  immediate  recall  of  the  First  Illinois."  When  the  Gover- 
nor received  this  message  he  sent  for  Colonel  Marshall,  of  the 
Eisfhth,  and  asked  him  to  ascertain  the  sentiments  of  the  offi- 
cers  and  men  of  his  regiment  in  regard  to  being  sent  to  re- 
lieve the  First.  On  the  4th  day  of  August  Colonel  Marshall 
was  able  to  send  to  Washington  the  following  dispatch : 
"H.  C.  Corbin,  Adjutant-General : — 

"I  called  the  officers  of  the  Eighth  Illinois,  colored,  in  con- 
ference and  they  are  unanimously  and  enthusiastically  in  favor 
of  being  sent  to  relieve  the  First  Illinois  at  Santiago." 

To  this  hearty  dispatch  came  the  following  reply : 

"The  Secretary  of  War  appreciates  very  much  the  offer  01 
the  Eighth  Illinois  Volunteer  Infantry  for  duty  in  Santiago, 


286  THE  COLORED  VOLUNTEERS 

and  has  directed  that  the  regiment  be  sent  there  by  steamer 
Yale,  leaving  New  York  next  Tuesday.  The  main  trouble 
with  our  troops  now  in  Cuba  is  that  they  are  suffering  from 
exhaustion  and  exposure  incident  to  one  of  the  most  trying 
campaigns  to  which  soldiers  have  ever  been  subjected." 

"H.  C.  CORBIN, 
"Adjutant-General." 

This  action  on  the  part  of  the  regiment  is  said  to  have  so 
pleased  the  President  that  on  hearing  it  he  declared  it  was  the 
proudest  moment  of  his  life. 

On  the  9th  of  August  the  regiment  left  Springfield,  and 
in  passing  through  Illinois  and  Ohio  was  greeted  with  the  most 
generous  enthusiasm,  the  people  supplying  the  men  with  free 
lunches  at  every  station.  This  was  the  period  when  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  whole  country  was  turned  toward  the  colored  sol- 
dier in  consequence  of  the  reports  of  valor  and  heroism  that 
had  been  circulated  concerning  the  black  regulars.  On  the 
afternoon  of  the  nth  the  Yale  cast  off  her  lines,  and  with  the 
first  American  Negro  regiment  that  the  world  has  ever  seen, 
steamed  out  of  New  York  harbor  amid  the  ringing  of  bells 
and  shrieks  of  steam  whistles,  and  four  days  later,  August  15, 
landed  in  Cuba.  The  regiment  remained  in  Cuba  until  March 
10,  perfoming  garrison  duty  so  well  that  General  Brecken- 
ridge  said  it  was  "as  fine  a  volunteer  regiment  as  was  ever 
mustered  into  the  service,"  and  that  it  was  "a  shame  to  mus- 
ter out  of  service  such  an  excellent  regiment." 

The  Twenty-third  Kansas,  made  up  in  that  State  and  offi- 
cered as  was  the  Eighth  Illinois,  by  men  of  the  same  race,  with 
the  enlisted  men,  arrived  in  Cuba  August  30,  and  in  company 
with  the  Eighth  Illinois  Regiment,  was  stationed  in  the  coun- 
try about  San  Luis,  with  headquarters  at  that  place.  Colonel 
Marshall,  of  the  Illinois  Regiment,  serving  as  commander  of 
the  post,  and  also  as  Governor  of  the  Province  of  San  Luis. 


THE    COLORED   VOLUNTEERS  287 

A  detachment  of  the  iniiiois  Regiment,  under  command  of 
Major  Jackson,  was  sent  to  Palma  Soriana,  and  did  excellent 
work  there  in  the  preservation  of  order  between  the  Cubans 
and  Spaniards,  who  were  living  together  in  that  place  in  out- 
ward peace  but  in  secret  resentful  hostility.  Major  Jackson 
managed  affairs  so  well  that  both  parties  came  to  admire  him, 
and  when  he  was  called  away  expressed  their  regret.  Captain 
Roots,  who  commanded  the  post  after  the  departure  of  Major 
Jackson,  was  equally  fortunate,  especially  with  the  Cubans, 
and  when  it  was  thought  his  command  was  to  be  removed,  the 
citizens  generally  united  in  a  petition  to  the  General  com- 
manding, asking  that  both  the  Captain  and  his  command  might 
remain  in  the  city.  The  fact  is  also  noted  by  the  chroniclers 
of  the  regiment  that  several  marriages  took  place  in  Palma 
Soriana  between  soldiers  of  the  Eighth  Illinois  and  Cuban 
maidens. 

The  Eighth  Regiment  was  finally  settled  in  San  Luis,  oc- 
cupying the  old  Spanish  barracks  and  arsenal,  and  under  Col- 
onel Marshall's  supervision  the  city  was  put  in  fine  sanitary 
condition,  streets  and  yards  being  carefully  policed;  mean- 
while under  the  reign  of  order  and  peace  which  the  Colonel's 
just  methods  established,  confidence  prevailed,  business  re- 
vived' and  the  stagnation  which  had  so  long  hung  like  a  fog 
over  the  little  city,  departed,  and  in  its  stead  came  an  era  of 
bustling  activity. 

All  was  peaceful  and  prosperous,  both  with  the  citizens  and 
the  garrison,  until  the  Ninth  United  States  Volunteers  came 
in  the  vicinity.  Then  a  difficulty  sprang  up  in  which  both  regi- 
ments became  involved,  although  it  was  in  no  sense  serious, 
but  it  afforded  a  pretext  for  the  removal  of  the  Eighth  Illinois 
from  the  city.     The  event  turned  out  all  the  better  for  the 


l88  THE  COLORED  VOLUNTEERS 

Eighth,  as  it  enabled  them  to  establish  Camp  Marshall,  about 
three  miles  from  the  city,  iji  a  healthy  neighborhood,  where 
they  remained  until  ordered  home  to  be  mustered  out.  The 
regiment  came  back  to  Chicago  in  fine  condition  and  was  ten- 
dered an  enthusiastic  welcome  by  that  great  city.  Thus  two 
entire  regiments  represented  the  country  abroad  in  this,  its 
first,  foreign  war  with  a  European  power. 

It  should  also  be  recorded  that  although  the  Ninth  United 
States  Volunteers  was  composed  of  persons  who  were  classed 
as  immune,  and  had  come  chiefly  from  Louisiana,  and  not- 
withstanding that  the  officers  of  the  regiment  above  lieuten- 
ants were  white  men,  and  the  colonel  an  officer  of  the  Regular 
Army  of  long  experience,  and  was  specially  praised  by  so 
good  a  sanitarian  as  General  Wood  for  having  been  constant 
and  untiring  in  his  efforts  to  look  after  the  welfare  of  his 
men,  and  that  the  surgeons  of  the  regiment  were  white  men, 
that  deaths  among  the  colored  men  numbered  one  officer  and 
seventy-three  enlisted  men.  In  striking  contrast  with  this  rec- 
ord of  the  immune  regiment  is  that  of  the  Eighth  Illinois, 
which  was  made  up  entirely  of  residents  of  that  State  and  offi- 
cered throughout  by  colored  men.  Its  medical  officers  were 
men  of  high  character,  and  its  losses  by  death  w^ere  just 
twenty,  or  but  little  over  one-fourth  the  number  that  occurred 
in  the  immune  regiment.  An  efficient  auxiliary  society  to 
this  regiment  was  formed  of  colored  ladies  of  Chicago  who 
forwarded  to  the  sick  in  Cuba  more  than  six  hundred  dol- 
lars worth  of  well  chosen  supplies,  which  did  much  for  the 
comfort  of  those  in  the  hospital;  but  this  would  not  account 
for  the  great  difference  in  the  death  rate  of  the  two  regi- 
ments. Though  not  immune,  the  Eighth  Illinois  fared  very 
much  better  than  the  so-called    immune    regiment,    although 


THE     COLORED    VOLUNTEERS  2S9 

the  latter  had  the  benefit  of  white  officers.  The  experience 
of  the  Twenty-third  Kansas  did  not  differ  in  any  important 
respect  from  that  of  the  Eighth  IlHnois.  Both  regiments  re- 
turned to  their  homes  in  March,  1899,  and  were  mustered  out 
of  the  service,  leaving  behind  them  good  records  for  efficiency. 

The  Sixth  Virginia  Regiment  consisted  of  eight  companies 
and  was  ur.der  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Richard  C. 
Croxton,  of  the  Regular  Army,  white,  with  Majors  J.  B. 
Johnson  and  W.  H.  Johnson,  colored.  It  was  mustered  into, 
service  during  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  and  w'ent  into 
camp  near  Knoxville,  Tennessee.  Here  an  order  came  from 
Corps  Headquarters,  at  Lexington,  Kentucky,  directing  that 
nine  of  the  officers,  including  one  major,  should  appear  be- 
fore a  board  of  examiners  in  order  to  give  evidence  of  their 
fitness  to  command.  The  officers  named,  regarding  this  as  un- 
called for,  immediately  tendered  their  resignations.  The  va- 
cancies thus  created  were  filled  by  the  Governor  of  the  State, 
the  appointees  being  white  men.  These  white  officers  on  ar- 
riving at  the  camp  and  finding  themselves  unwelcome,  im- 
mediately followed  in  the  wake  of  their  colored  predecessors, 
and  tendered  their  resignations. 

The  difficulties  arising  from  this  friction  were  somehow  ad- 
justed, but  in  what  manner  the  reports  available  at  this  time 
do  not  show.  Moving  to  Macon,  Georgia,  the  regiment  re- 
mained in  the  service  until  some  time  in  the  winter,  w'hen  it 
was  mustered  out.  Much  was  said  by  the  local  papers  to  the 
detriment  of  the  men  composing  this  regiment,  but  viewing 
their  action  from  the  standpoint  of  the  civilian  and  citizen,  it 
does  not  appear  reprehensible.  They  had  volunteered  w'ith 
the  understanding  that  their  own  officers,  officers  with  whom 
they  were  well  acquainted,  and  in  wdiose  friendship  they  hek] 

19 


290  THE    COLORED   VOLUNTEERS 

a  place,  should  command  them,  and  when  they  saw  these  ofifi- 
cers  displaced  and  white  strangers  put  in  their  stead,  they  felt 
a  pardonable  indignation,  and  took  their  own  way  of  express- 
ing it.  As  soldiers,  their  conduct  in  resisting  authority,  can- 
not be  commended. 

The  Third  North  Carolina  Volunteer  Infantry  was  or- 
ganized as  were  the  regiments  of  Illinois  and  Kansas,  above 
described.  The  officers  of  the  North  Carolina  Regiment  were 
all  colored  men  of  that  State  and  were  men  of  character  and 
note.  Its  commanding  officer.  Colonel  Young,  had  held  re- 
sponsible positions  under  both  State  and  National  Govern- 
ments, had  been  editor  of  a  paper  and  member  of  the  State 
Legislature  and  Major  in  the  State  militia.  In  character,  he 
was  above  reproach,  being  a  strict  teetotaler  and  not  even 
using  tobacco.  The  regiment  made  a  good  record,  but  did  not 
see  any  active  service. 

A  peculiar  regiment  was  organized  in  Alabama,  known  as 
the  Third  Alabama  Volunteer  Infantry,  in  which  the  enlisted 
men  were  all  colored  and  the  officers  all  white.  The  regiment 
saw  no  service  and  attracted  no  attention  outside  of  its  im- 
mediate locality. 

Two  companies  of  colored  men  with  colored  captains  were 
also  mustered  into  the  United  States  service  from  Indiana, 
and  finally  attached  to  Colonel  Huggins'  command,  although 
not  becoming  a  part  of  his  regiment,  the  Eighth  Immunes. 
They  were  stationed  at  Fort  Thomas,  Ky.,  and  at  Chicka- 
mauga,  and  were  mustered  out  early.  Their  officers  were  men 
of  intelligence  who  had  acquired  experience  by  several  years' 
service  in  the  militia,  and  the  companies  were  exceptionally 
well  drilled.  They  were  designated  Companies  A  and  B  and 
were  commanded  by  Captains  Porter  and  PucK'ner,  with  Lieu- 
tenant Thomas  as  Quartermaster, 


THE    COLORED   VOLUNTEERS  29I 

The  organization  of  the  four  immune  regiments,  already 
mentioned,  gave  opportunity  for  ninety-six  colored  men  to 
obtain  commissions  as  lieutenants.  A  few  of  these  positions 
were  seized  upon  by  influential  young  white  men,  who  held 
them,  but  with  no  intention  of  ever  serving  in  the  regiments, 
as  they  found  staff  positions  much  more  congenial  to  their 
tastes.  The  colored  men  who  were  appointed  lieutenants  in 
these  regiments  were  generally  either  5''0ung  men  of  ability 
and  influence  who  had  assisted  in  getting  up  their  companies, 
and  who  in  many  cases  had  received  some  elementary  military 
instruction  as  cadets  in  school,  or  men  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  by  efficiency  or  gallantry  in  the  Regular  Army. 
Some  exceptions  there  were,  of  course,  and  a  few  received 
commissions  in  consequence  of  personal  friendship  and  politi- 
cal considerations.  Before  these  regiments  were  mustered  out 
of  the  service  about  one-half  of  the  lieutenants  were  men  from 
the  Regular  Army. 

I  am  sure  the  reader  will  be  pleased  to  learn  that  Sergeants 
Foster,  Buck  and  Givens,  whose  deeds  in  Cuba  have  already 
been  related,  were  rewarded  with  commissions,  and  that  the 
gallant  Thomas  C.  Butler,  who  rushed  forward  from  his  com- 
pany's line  and  seized  the  Spanish  standard  at  El  Caney,  was 
afterward  permitted  to  serve  in  Cuba  with  the  rank  of  a  com- 
missioned officer.  Besides  those  named  above,  there  were 
others  also  of  marked  ability  and  very  respectable  attainments 
who  received  commissions  on  general  merit,  as  well  as  for  gal- 
lantry. Chief  among  the  class  promoted  for  efficiency  was 
First  Lieutenant  James  R.  Gillespie,  formerly  Post  Quarter- 
master-Sergeant. Gillespie  had  served  several  years  in  the 
Tenth  Cavalry  and  had  proved  himself  an  excellent  soldier. 

Both  in  horsemanship  end  as  marksman  he  was  iip  to  thg 


292  THE    COLORED   VOLUNTEERS 

standard,  while  his  character  and  business  quahfications  were 
such  as  to  secure  for  him  a  staff  position  of  responsibihty.  As 
Quartermaster-Sergeant  he  held  positions  of  important  posts 
and  filled  them  wnth  great  satisfaction.  Because  of  his  effi- 
ciency as  a  soldier  he  was  given  a  commission  as  First  Lieu- 
tenant and  executed  the  duties  of  his  office  with  the  same 
ability  that  had  marked  his  career  as  an  enlisted  man.  From 
the  Tenth  Cavalry  also  came  First  Lieutenant  Baker,  whose 
commission  was  a  tribute  to  his  fidelity  and  efficiency.  A  sol- 
dier of  high  type  he  bore  his  commission  and  its  honors  as 
worthily  as  any  son  of  our  Republic.  In  the  same  category 
must  be  placed  First  Lieutenant  Wm.  McBryer,  formerly  Ser- 
geant in  the  Twenty-fifth  Infantry.  McBryer  had  served  in 
the  Tenth  Cavalry  and  had  won  a  Medal  of  Honor  in  conflict 
with  the  Indians.  He  w^as  a  soldier  distinguished  by  strength 
Df  character,  prompt  executiveness,  quick  decision  and  cour- 
age. He  was  also  possessed  of  considerable  literary  skill,  was 
a  good  speaker  and  attractive  writer,  and  a  man  of  fine  parts. 
He  was  a  valuable  acquisition  to  the  volunteer  service  and 
would  have  made  a  fine  captain. 

Of  the  colored  sergeants  from  the  Regular  Army  who  were 
given  commissions  in  the  volunteer  service  it  would  not  be  ex- 
travagant to  say  that  all  were  men  of  worth,  well-tried  in  the 
service,  and  there  was  scarcely  one  of  them  but  could  have 
successfully  commanded  a  company.  Lieutenant  A.  J.  Smith, 
formerly  First  Sergeant  in  the  Tw^enty-fifth  Infantry,  was  so 
well  informed  in  the  paper  work  of  the  army  and  in  com- 
pany administration  particularly  that  he  was  regarded  as  an 
authority,  and  he  w^as  so  well  experienced  in  the  whole  life  of 
a  soldier,  in  camp,  field,  garrison  and  in  battle,  that  it  would 
have  been  difficult  to  find  his  superior  in  the  army.     To  the 


THE    COLORED    VOLUNTEERS  293 

credit  of  all  of  the  enlisted  men  of  the  Regular  Army  referred 
to,  who  received  commissions  in  the  volunteer  service,  all 
served  honorably  and  were  mustered  out  without  bringing  any 
scandal  of  any  sort  upon  the  service. 

The  colored  volunteers  in  the  service  acquitted  themselves 
as  well  as  the  average  volunteer,  and  when  mustered  out  pro- 
ceeded to  their  homes  about  as  others  did.  The  treatment  ac- 
corded them  in  some  of  the  Southern  cities,  especially  in 
Nashville,  Tennessee,  did  not  speak  well  for  the  loyalty  of  that 
section,  nor  was  it  such  as  might  reasonably  be  expected  from 
a  people  who  had  fared  so  well  in  the  offices  and  honors  of  the 
short  war.  From  the  best  sources  available,  it  seems  incum- 
bent to  say  that  the  many  charges  alleged  against  the  colored 
volunteers  for  excessive  rioting  and  disorder  were  without 
proper  foundation,  and  the  assaults  made  upon  them  unjus- 
tifiable and  cruel.  The  spirit  of  the  assailants  is  best  seen 
from  a  description  of  the  attack  made  upon  the  unarmed  dis- 
charged soldiers  of  the  Eighth  Immuners  in  Nashville,  already 
alluded  to.  This  description  was  made  by  the  sheriff  who 
participated  in  the  brutality.  An  officer  who  was  on  the 
train,  and  who  was  asleep  at  the  time,  when  aroused  went  into 
the  car  where  the  men  were  and  found  that  they  had  been 
beaten  and  robbed,  and  in  some  instances  their  discharges 
taken  from  them  and  torn  up,  and  their  weapons  and  money 
taken  from  them  by  citizens.  It  was  about  one  o'clock  A.  M. 
and  the  men  were  generally  asleep  when  attacked.  The  sheriff 
gloats  over  it  in  language  which  ought  not  be  allowed  to  dis- 
appear : 

"It  was  the  best  piece  of  work  I  ever  witnessed.  The  police 
went  to  the  depot,  not  armed  with  the  regulation  'billy,'  but 
carrying  stout  hickory  clubs  about  two  and  one-half  feet  long. 


294  THE    COLORED    VOLUNTEERS 

Their  idea  was  that  a  mahogany  or  Hgniim  vitae  billy  was  too 
costly  a  weapon  to  be  broken  over  a  Negro's  head.  The  police 
were  on  board  the  train  before  it  stopped  even,  and  the  way 
they  went  for  the  Negroes  was  inspiring.  The  police  tolerated 
no  impudence,  much  less  rowdyism,  from  the  Negroes,  and  if 
a  darky  even  looked  mad,  it  was  enough  for  some  policeman 
to  bend  his  club  double  over  his  head.  In  fact  after  the  police 
finished  with  them  they  were  the  meekest,  mildest,  most  polite 
set  of  colored  men  I  ever  saw."  This  language  is  respectfully 
dedicated  to  the  memory  of  the  proud  city  of  Nashville,  and 
presents  to  the  readers  the  portrait  of  her  police. 

Despite  this  vile  treatment,  the  colored  soldier  went  on  to 
his  home,  ready  again  to  respond  to  his  country's  call,  and  to 
rally  to  the  defence  of  his  country's  flag,  and,  incidentally, 
to  the  preservation  of  the  lives  and  homes  of  the  misguided, 
heartless  beings  who  can  delight  in  his  sufferings.  The 
hickory  club  belongs  to  one  sort  of  warrior ;  the  rifle  to  quite 
another.  The  club  and  rifle  represent  different  grades  of  civi- 
lization. The  Negro  has  left  the  club;  the  language  from 
Nashville  does  honor  to  the  club.  Billy  and  bully  are  the 
theme  of  this  officer  of  the  law,  and  for  a  "darkey  even  to  look 
mad"  is  ample  justification  for  "some  policeman  to  bend  his 
club  double  over  his  head."  Were  these  policemen  rioters? 
Or  were  they  conservaters  of  the  peace?    Judge  ye! 


OHIO  VOLUNTEER  INFANTRY  295 

OUTLINE  HISTORY  OF  THE  NINTH  (SEPARATE) 
BATTALION,  OHIO  VOLUNTEER  INFANTRY. 


By  the  Battalion  Adjutant,  Lieutenant  Wilson  Ballard, 

The  Ninth  Battalion,  Ohio  Volunteer  Infantry,  the  only  col- 
ored organization  from  Ohio  in  the  Volunteer  Army  during 
the  war  with  Spain,  was,  previous  to  the  date  of  its  muster 
into  the  United  States  service,  known  as  the  Ninth  Battalion, 
Ohio  National  Guard.  April  25th,  1898,  the  battalion,  con- 
sisting of  three  companies,  A  from  Springfield,  under  Captain 
R.  R.  Rudd;  B  from  Columbus,  under  Captain  James  Hop- 
kins, and  C  from  Xenia,  under  Captain  Harry  H.  Robinson, 
was  ordered  into  camp  at  Columbus,  Ohio.  The  battalion  was 
under  the  command  of  Major  Charles  Fillmore. 

May  14,  1898,  the  battalion  was  mustered  into  the  volunteer 
service  by  Captain  Rockefeller,  U.  S.  A.  Lieutenant  Charles 
Young,  U.  S.  A.,  then  on  duty  at  Wilberforce  University, 
Wilberforce,  Ohio,  as  professor  of  military  science  and  tactics, 
was  commissioned  by  Governor  Bushnell  as  Major  command- 
ing the  Ninth  Battalion,  O.  V.  I.,  relieving  Major  Fillmore. 
In  order  to  enable  Lieutenant  Young  to  accept  his  volunteer 
commission,  he  was  granted  an  indefinite  leave  of  absence  by 
the  War  Department. 

May  19,  1898,  the  command  having  been  ordered  to  join 
the  Second  Army  Corps  at  Camp  Russell  A.  Alger,  near  Falls 
Church,  Va.,  left  Camp  Bushnell  and  arrived  at  Camp  Alger 
May  21,  1898. 

When  Major-General  Graham  assumed  command  of  the 
Second  Army  Corps  and  organized  it  into  divisions,  the  bat- 
talion was  placed  in  the  provisional  division.  In  June  (ex- 
act date  not  remembered)  the  battalion  was  placed  in  the 
Second  Brigade,  Second  Division,  being  brigaded  with  the 
Twelfth  Pennsylvania  and  Seventh  Illinois  Regiments.  The 
battalion  was  relieved  from  the  Second  Brigade,  Second  Divis- 
ion and  placed  in  the  Second  Brigade,  First  Division,  being 
brigaded  with  the  Eighth  Ohio  and  Sixth  Massachusetts. 

A  New  Jersey  regiment  was  relieved  from  duty  as  corps 


296  OHIO    VOLUNTEER    INFANTRY 

headquarters'  guard  late  in  June  and  the  Ninth  BattaHon  as- 
signed to  that  duty.  The  battahon  performed  this  duty  until 
it  was  ordered  South  from  Camp  Meade,  Penn.,  when  it  be- 
came separated  from  corps  headquarters.  Important  outposts, 
such  as  the  entrance  to  Falls  Church  and  the  guarding  of  the 
citizens'  gardens  and  property,  were  under  the  charge  of  the 
command. 

When  General  Garretson's  brigade  (Second  Brigade,  Firs: 
Division,  consisting  of  the  Eighth  Ohio,  Ninth  Battalion  and 
Sixth  Massachusetts)  was  ordered  to  Cuba,  General  Graham, 
thinking  that  his  entire  Army  Corps  would  soon  be  ordered  to 
active  service,  requested  the  War  Department,  as  the  battalion 
was  his  headquarters  guard,  to  let  the  battalion  remain  with 
him.  (See  telegrams  Gen.  Graham's  report  to  the  Secretary 
of  War.)  General  Graham's  request  being  honored  by  the  de- 
partment, the  battalion  was  deprived  of  this  chance  of  seeing 
active  service  in  foreign  fields.  The  battalion  was  then  at- 
tached to  the  Second  Brigade,  Second  Division,  under  Brig- 
adier-General Plummer,  being  brigaded  with  the  First  New 
Jersey,  Sixty-fifth  New  York  and  Seventh  Ohio. 

In  July  the  battalion  was  relieved  from  this  brigade  and 
attached  directly  to  corps  headquarters.  When  the  Second 
Army  Corps  was  ordered  to  Camp  Meade,  Penna.,  the  bat- 
talion was  one  of  the  first  to  break  camp,  going  with  corps 
headquarters.  The  battalion  left  Camp  R.  A,  Alger  August 
15,  1898,  and  arrived  in  camp  at  Camp  George  G.  Meade, 
near  Middletown,  Penna.,  August  16,  1898.  In  camp  the  bat- 
talion occupied  a  position  with  the  signal  and  ensfineer  corps 
and  hospital,  near  corps  headquarters. 

When  the  Peace  Jubilee  was  held  in  Philadelphia,  the  bat- 
talion was  one  of  the  representative  commands  from  the  Sec- 
ond Army  Corps,  being  given  the  place  of  honor  in  the  corps 
in  the  parade,  following  immediately  General  Graham  and 
staff.  When  the  corps  was  ordered  South  the  battalion  was 
assigned  to  the  Second  Brigade  under  Brigadier-General 
Ames.  The  battalion  left  Camp  Meade  November  17.  Up  to 
this  time  it  had  done  the  guard  duty  of  corps  headquarters 
and  was  complimented  for  its  efHcient    work   by    the    com- 


OHIO  VOLUNTEER  INFANTRY  297 

maiiding  general.  The  battalion  arrived  in  Summerville,  S. 
C,  November  21,  1898.  It  was  brigaded  with  the  Fourteenth 
Pennsylvania  and  Third  Connecticut. 

When  the  battalion  arrived  in  the  South  the  white  citizens 
were  not  at  all  favorably  disposed  toward  colored  soldiers, 
and  it  must  be  said  that  the  reception  was  not  cordial.  But 
by  their  orderly  conduct  and  soldierly  behavior  the  men 
soon  won  the  respect  of  all,  and  the  battalion  was  well  treated 
before  it  left.  November  28-29  Major  Philip  Reade,  Inspec- 
tor General  First  Division,  Second  Army  Corps,  inspected  the 
Ninth  Battalion,  beginning  his  duties  in  that  brigade  with  this 
inspection.  He  complimented  the  battalion  for  its  work  both 
from  a  practical  and  theoretical  standpoint.  Coming  to  the 
Fourteenth  Pennsylvania  he  required  them  to  go  through  cer- 
tain movements  in  the  extended  order  drill  which  not  being 
done  entirely  to  his  satisfaction,  he  sent  his  orderly  to  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  Ninth  Battalion,  requesting  him  to 
have  his  command  on  the  drill  ground  at  once.  The  battalion 
fell  in  and  marched  to  the  ground  and  when  presented  to  the 
Inspector  orders  were  given  for  it  to  go  through  with  cer- 
tain movements  in  the  extended  order  drill  in  the  presence  of 
the  Pennsylvania  regiment.  This  done,  the  Inspector  dis- 
missed the  battalion,  highly  complimenting  Major  Young  on 
the  efficiency  of  his  command.  Just  after  the  visit  of  the  In- 
spector General,  General  S.  B.  M.  Young,  commanding  the 
Second  Army  Corps,  visited  Camp  Marion.  Orders  were  sent 
to  Major  Young  one  morning  to  have  his  battalion  fall  in  at 
once,  as  the  General  desired  to  have  them  drill.  By  his  com- 
mand the  battalion  went  through  the  setting-up  exercises  and 
battalion  drill  in  close  and  extended  order.  The  General  was 
so  well  pleased  with  the  drill  that  the  battalion  was  exempted 
from  all  work  during  the  remainder  of  the  day. 

The  battalion  was  ordered  to  be  mustered  out  January  29, 
1899.  Lieutenant  Geo.  W.  Van  Deusen,  First  Artillery,  who 
was  detailed  to  muster  out  the  command,  hardly  spent  fifteen 
minutes  in  the  camp.  Major  Young  had  been  detailed  As- 
sistant Commissary  of  Musters  and  signed  all  discharges  for 


298 


OHIO  VOLUNTEER  INFANTRY 


the  Ninth  Battalion,  except  for  the  field  and  staff,  which  were 
signed  by  Lieutenant  Van  Deusen.  The  companies  left  for 
their  respective  cities  the  same  night  they  were  paid.  Major 
Biillis  was  the  paymaster. 


COLORED    OFFICERS  ^99 


CHAPTER  XII. 


COLORED  OFFICERS. 


By   Captain   Frank   R.   Steward,  A.    B.,   LL.    B.,   Harvard,    Forty-ninth 
U.  S.  Volunteer  Infantry — Appendix. 

Of  all  the  avenues  open  to  American  citizenship  the  com- 
missioned ranks  of  the  army  and  navy  have  been  the  stubborn- 
est  to  yield  to  the  newly  enfranchised.  Colored  men  have 
filled  almost  every  kind  of  public  office  or  trust  save  the  Chief 
Magistracy.  They  have  been  members  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  and  are  employed  in  all  the  executive  branches  of 
the  Government,  but  no  Negro  has  as  yet  succeeded  in  invad- 
ing the  commissioned  force  of  the  navy,  and  his  advance  in 
the  army  has  been  exceedingly  slight.  Since  the  war,  as  has 
been  related,  but  three  Negroes  have  been  graduated  from  the 
National  Military  Academy  at  West  Point;  of  these  one  was 
speedily  crowded  out  of  the  service ;  another  reached  the  grade 
of  First  Lieutenant  and  died  untimely;  the  third.  First  Lieu- 
tenant Charles  Young,  late  Major  of  the  9th  Ohio  Battalion, 
U.  S.  Volunteers,  together  with  four  colored  Chaplains,  con- 
stitute the  sole  colored  commissioned  force  of  our  Regular 
Army. 

Although  Negroes  fought  in  large  numbers  in  both  the 
Revolution  and  the  War  of  18 12,  there  is  no  instance  of  any 
Negro  attaining  or  exercising  the  rank  of  commissioned  offi- 
cer. It  is  a  curious  bit  of  history,  however,  that  in  the  Civil 
War  those  who  were  fighting  to  keep  colored  men  enslaved 
were  the  first  to  commission  colored  officers.     In  Louisiana 


3°°  COLORED    OFFICERS 

but  a  few  days  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  the  free  col- 
ored population  of  New  Orleans  organized  a  military  organi- 
zation, called  the  "Native  Guard,"  which  was  accepted  into 
the  service  of  the  State  and  its  officers  were  duly  commis- 
sioned by  the  Governor.* 

These  Negro  soldiers  were  the  first  to  welcome  General 
Butler  when  he  entered  New  Orleans,  and  the  fact  of  the  or- 
ganization of  the  "Native  Guard"  by  the  Confederates  was 
used  by  General  Butler  as  the  basis  for  the  organization  of 
three  colored  regiments  of  "Native  Guards,"  all  the  line  offi- 
cers of  which  were  colored  men.  Governor  Pinchback,  who 
was  a  captain  in  one  of  these  regiments,  tells  the  fate  of  these 
early  colored  officers . 

^Headquarters  Department  of  the  Gulf, 

New  Orleans,  August  22,   1862. 
General  Orders  No.  63. 

"Whereas,  on  the  23d  day  of  April,  in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and 
sixty-one,  at  a  public  meeting  of  the  free  colored  population  of  the  city 
of  New  Orleans,  a  military  organization,  known  as  the  'Native  Guards' 
(colored),  had  its  existence,  which  military  organization  was  duly  and 
legally  enrolled  as  a  part  of  the  militia  of  the  State,  its  officers  being 
commissioned  by  Thomas  O.  Moore,  Governor  and  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  militia  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  in  the  form  following, 
that  is  to  say: 

The  State   of  Louisiana, 

(Seal  of  the  State.) 

By  Thomas  Overton  Moore,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Louisiana, 
and  commander-in-chief  of  the  militia  thereof. 

"'In  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  State  of  Louisiana:  Know 

ye  that ,  having  been  duly  and  legally  elected  captain  of  the 

"Native  Guards"  (colored),  first  division  of  the  Militia  of  Louisiana, 
to  serve  for  the  term  of  the  war, 

"  'I  do  hereby  appoint  and  commission  him  captain  as  aforesaid,  to 
take  rank  as  such,  from  the  2d  day  of  May,  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty- 
one. 

"  'He  is,  therefore,  carefully  and  diligently  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
his  office  by  doing  and  performing  all  manner  of  things  thereto  belong- 
ing. And  I  do  strictly  charge  and  require  all  officers,  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates  under  his  command  to  be  obedient  to  his  orders  as 
captain;  and  he  is  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders  and  directions, 
from  time  to  time,  as  he  shall  receive  from  me,  or  the  future  Governor 


COLORED    OFFICERS  3OI 

"There  were,"  he  writes,  "in  New  Orleans  some  colored 
soldiers  known  as  'Native  Guards'  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Federal  soldiers,  but  I  do  not  know  much  about  them.  It  was 
a  knowledge  of  this  fact  that  induced  General  Butler,  then  in 
command  of  the  Department  of  the  Gulf,  to  organize  three 
regiments  of  colored  soldiers,  viz :  The  First,  Second  and 
Third  Regiments  of  Native  Guards. 

"The  First  Regiment  of  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  Colonel 
Stafford  commanding,  with  all  the  field  officers  white,  and  a 
full  complement  of  line  officers  (30)  colored,  was  mustered 
into  service  at  New  Orleans  September  27,  1862,  for  three 
years.  Soon  after  General  Banks  took  command  of  the  de- 
partment and  changed  the  designation  of  the  regiment  to 
First  Infantry,  Corps  d'Afrique.  April  4th,  1864,  it  was 
changed  again  to  Seventy-third  United  States  Colored  In- 
fantry. 

of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  or  other  superior  officers,  according  to  the 
Rules  and  Articles  of  War,  and  in  conformity  to  law. 

"  'In  testimony  whereof.  I  have  caused  these  letters  to  be  made 
patent,  and  the  seal  of  the  State  to  be  hereunto  annexed. 

"  'Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  city  of  Baton  Rouge,  on  tlie  second 
day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 
sixty-one. 

(L.  S.)  (Signed)  THOS.  O.  MOORE. 

"'By  the  Governor: 

^  (Signed)  P.    D.    HARDY, 

Secretary   of   State. 

(Wilson:    Black   Phalanx,   p.   194.) 

*".On  the  23d  of  November,  1861,  there  was  a  grand  review  of  the 
Confederate  troops  stationed  at  New  Orleans.  An  .Associated  Press 
despatch  announced  that  the  line  was  seven  miles  long.  The  feature  of 
the  review,  however,  was  one  regiment  of  fourteen  hundred  free  colored 
men.  Another  grand  review  followed  the  next  spring,  and  on  the  ap- 
pearance of  rebel  negroes  a  local  paper  made  the  following  comment: 

"  'We  must  also  pay  a  deserved  compliment  to  the  companies  of  free 
colored  men.  all  very  well  drilled  and  comfortably  uniformed.  Most 
of  these  companies,  quite  unaided  by  the  administration,  have  supplied 
themselves  with  arms  without  regard  to  cost  or  trouble.  On  the  same 
day  one  of  these  negro  companies  was  presented  with  a  flag,  and  every 
evidence  of  public  approbation  was  manifest.'  " 

(Williams's  Negro  Troops  in  the  Rebellion,  pp.  83-4.; 


302  COLORED    OFFICERS 

"The  Second  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  with  Colonel  N. 
W.  Daniels  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hall,  white,  and  Major 
Francis  E.  Dumas,  colored,  and  all  the  line  officers  colored  ex- 
cept one  Second  Lieutenant,  was  mustered  into  service  for 
three  years,  October  12,  1862.  General  Banks  changed  its 
designation  to  Second  Infantry  Corps  d'  Afrique,  June  6,  1863, 
and  April  6,  1864,  it  was  changed  to  Second  United  States 
Colored  Troops.  Finally  it  was  consolidated  with  the  Ninety- 
first  as  the  Seventy-fourth  Colored  Infantry,  and  mustered  out 
October  11,  1865. 

"The  Third  Regiment  of  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  with 
Colonel  Nelson  and  all  field  officers  white,  and  all  line  offi- 
cers (30)  colored,  was  mustered  into  service  at  New  Orleans 
for  three  years,  November  24,  1862.  Its  designation  went 
through  the  same  changes  as  the  others  at  the  same  dates,  and 
it  was  mustered  out  November  25,  1865,  as  the  Seventy-fifth 
Colored  Infantry. 

"Soon  after  the  organization  of  the  Third  Regiment,  trouble 
for  the  colored  officers  began,  and  the  department  began  a  sys- 
tematic effort  to  get  rid  of  them.  A  board  of  examiners  was 
appointed  and  all  COLORED  officers  of  the  Third  Regiment 
were  ordered  before  it.  They  refused  to  obey  the  order  and 
tendered  their  resignations  in  a  body.  The  resignations  were 
accepted  and  that  was  the  beginning  of  the  end.  Like  action 
with  the  same  results  followed  in  the  First  and  Second  Regi- 
ments, and  colored  officers  were  soon  seen  no  more.  All  were 
driven  out  of  the  service  except  three  or  four  who  were  never 
ordered  to  appear  before  the  examining  board.  Among  these 
was  your  humble  servant.  I  was  then  Captain  of  Company  A, 
Second  Regiment,  but  I  soon  tired  of  my  isolation  and  re- 
signed." 


COLORED    OFFICERS  303 

Later  on  in  the  war,  with  the  general  enlistment  of  colored 
soldiers,  a  number  of  colored  chaplains  and  some  surgeons 
were  commissioned.  Towards  the  close  of  the  war  several  col- 
ored line  officers  and  a  field  officer  or  two  were  appointed. 
The  State  of  Massachusetts  was  foremost  in  according  this 
recognition  to  colored  soldiers.  But  these  later  appointments 
came,  in  most  cases,  after  the  fighting  was  all  over,  and  gave 
few  opportunities  to  command.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  with 
the  muster  out  of  troops,  the  colored  officers  disappeared  and 
upon  the  reorganization  of  the  army,  despite  the  brilliant  rec- 
ord of  the  colored  soldier^,  no  Negro  was  given  a  commission 
of  any  sort. 

The  outbreak  of  the  Spanish  War  brought  the  question  of 
colored  officers  prominently  to  the  front.  The  colored  people 
began  at  once  to  demand  that  officers  of  their  own  race  be 
commissioned  to  command  colored  volunteers.  They  were  not 
to  be  deluded  by  any  extravagant  praise  of  their  past  heroic 
services,  which  veiled  a  determination  to  ignore  their  just 
claims.  So  firmly  did  they  adhere  to  their  demands  that  but 
one  volunteer  regiment  of  colored  troops,  the  Third  Alabama, 
could  be  induced  to  enter  the  service  with  none  of  its  officers 
colored.  But  the  concessions  obtained  were  always  at  the  ex- 
pense of  continuous  and  persistent  effort,  and  in  the  teeth  of  a 
very  active  and  at  times  extremely  violent  opposition.  We 
know  already  the  kind  of  opposition  the  Eighth  Illinois,  the 
Twenty-third  Kansas,  and  the  Third  North  Carolina  Regi-^ 
ments,  officered  entirely  by  colored  men,  encountered.  It  was 
this  opposition,  as  we  have  seen,  which  confined  colored  offi- 
cers to  positions  below  the  grade  of  captain  in  the  four  im- 
mune regiments.  From  a  like  cause,  we  know  also,  distin- 
guished non-commissioned  officers  of  the  four  regular  regi- 


304  COLORED    OFFICERS 

ments  of  colored  troops  were  allowed  promotion  only  to  Lieu- 
tenantcies  in  the  immune  regiments,  and  upon  the  muster  ou: 
of  those  organizations,  were  compelled,  if  they  desired  to  con- 
tinue soldiering,  to  resume  their  places  as  enlisted  men. 

There  is  some  explanation  for  this  opposition  in  the  nature 
of  the  distinction  which  military  rank  confers.  Military  rank 
and  naval  rank  constitute  the  only  real  distinction  among  us. 
Our  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  of  the  army  more  than 
of  the  navy,  because  the  former  officers  are  more  constantly 
within  the  country,  make  up  the  sole  separate  class  of  our 
population.  We  have  no  established  nobility.  Wealth  con- 
fers no  privilege  which  men  are  bound  to  observe.  The  re- 
spect paid  to  men  who  attain  eminence  in  science  and  learn- 
ing goes  only  as  far  as  they  are  kown.  The  titles  of  the  pro- 
fessions are  matters  of  courtesy  and  customs  only.  Our 
judges  and  legislators,  our  governors  and  mayors,  are  still 
our  "fellow  citizens,"  and  the  dignity  they  enjoy  is  but  an 
honorary  one.  The  highest  office  within  our  gift  offers  no 
exception.  At  the  close  of  his  term,  even  an  ex-Presidenr, 
"that  melancholy  product  of  our  system,"  must  resume  his 
place  among  his  fellow  citizens,  to  sink,  not  infrequently,  into 
obscurity.  But  fifty  thousand  soldiers  must  stand  attention 
to  the  merest  second  lieutenant!  His  rank  is  a  fact.  The  life 
tenure,  the  necessities  of  military  discipline  and  administra- 
tion, weld  army  officers  into  a  distinct  class  and  make  our 
military  system  the  sole  but  necessary  relic  of  personal  govern- 
ment. Any  class  with  special  privileges  is  necessarily  conser- 
vative. 

The  intimate  association  of  "officer"  and  "gentleman,"  a 
legacy  of  feudal  days,  is  not  without  significance.  An  officer 
must  also  be  a  gentleman,  and  "conduct  unbecoming  an  officer 


COLORED    OFFICERS  305 

and  a  gentleman"  Is  erected  into  an  offence  punishable  by  dis- 
missal from  the  service.  The  word  "gentleman"  has  got  far 
away  from  the  strict  significance  of  its  French  parent.  De 
Tocqueville  has  made  us  see  the  process  of  this  development. 
Passing  over  to  England,  with  the  changing  conditions,  "gen- 
tleman" was  used  to  describe  persons  lower  and  lower  in  the 
social  scale,  until,  when  it  crossed  to  this  country,  its  sig- 
nificance became  lost  in  an  indiscriminate  application  to  all 
citizens.*  A  flavor  of  its  caste  significance  still  remains  in  the 
traditional  "high  sense  of  honor"  characteristic  of  our  mili- 
tary service.  It  was  a  distant  step  for  a  slave  and  freedman 
to  become  an  ofificer  and  gentleman. 

While  the  above  reflections  may  be  some  explanations  in 
fact  for  the  opposition  to  the  commissioning  of  Negroes,  there 
was  no  one  with  hardihood  enough  to  bring  them  forward. 
Such  notions  might  form  the  groundwork  of  a  prejudice,  but 
they  could  not  become  the  reason  of  a  policy.  It  is  an  in- 
stinctive tribute  to  the  good  sense  of  the  American  people 
that  the  opponents  of  colored  officers  were  comDclled  to  find 
reasons  of  another  kind  for  their  antagonism. 

The  one  formula  heard  always  in  the  campaign  against 
colored  officers  was :  Negroes  cannot  command.  This  for- 
mula was  sent  forth  wit'h"'~every  land'  of  variation,  from  the 
fierce  fulminations  of  the  hostile  Southern  press,  to  the  more 
apologetic  and  philosophical  discussions  of  our  Northern  secu- 
lar and  religious  journals.  To  be  sure,  every  now  and  then, 
there  were  exhibitions  of  impatience  against  the  doctrine. 
Not  a  few  newspapers  had  little  tolerance  for  the  nonsense. 
Some  former  commanders  of  Negro  soldiers  in  the  Civil  War, 
notably.  General  T.  J.  Morgan,  spoke  out  in  their  behalf.  The 

*De  Tocqueville :  L'Ancien  Regime  et  La  Revolution,  p.  125-6. 

20 


/ 


3o6  COLORED   OFFICERS 

brilliant  career  of  the  black  regulars  in  Cuba  broke  the  spell 
for  a  time,  but  the  re-action  speedily  set  in.  In  short  it  be- 
came fastened  pretty  completely  in  the  popular  mind  as  a 
bit  of  demonstrated  truth  that  Negroes  could  not  make  offi- 
cers; that  colored  soldiers  would  neither  follow  nor  obey  offi- 
cers of  their  own  race. 

This  formula  had  of  course  to  ignore  an  entire  epoch  of 
history.  It  could  take  no  account  of  that  lurid  program 
wrought  in  the  Antilles  a  century  ago — a  rising  mob  of  rebel 
slaves,  transformed  into  an  invincible  army  of  tumultuous 
blacks,  under  the  guidance  of  the  immortal  Toussaint,  over- 
coming the  trained  armies  of  three  Continental  powers,  Spain, 
England  and  France,  and  audaciously  projecting  a  black  re- 
public into  the  family  of  nations,  a  program  at  once  a  marvel 
and  a  terror  to  the  civilized  world. 

Not  alone  in  Hayti,  but  throughout  the  States  of  Central 
and  South  America  have  Negroes  exercised  military  com- 
mand, both  in  the  struggles  of  these  states  for  independence,, 
and  in  their  national  armies  established  after  independence. 
At  least  one  soldier  of  Negro  blood.  General  Dumas,  father 
of  the  great  novelist,  arose  to  the  rank  of  General  of  Division 
in  the  French  Army  and  served  under  Napoleon.  In  our 
day  we  have  seen  General  Dodds,  another  soldier  of  Negro 
blood,  returning  from  a  successful  campaign  in  Africa,  ac- 
claimed throughout  France,  his  immense  popularity  threaten- 
ing Paris  with  a  renewal  of  the  hysterical  days  of  Boulanger. 
Finally,  we  need  not  be  told  that  at  the  very  head  and  front  of 
the  Cuban  Rebellion  were  Negroes  of  every  hue,  exercising 
every  kind  of  command  up  to  the  very  highest.  We  need  but 
recall  the  lamented  Maceo,  the  Negro  chieftain,  whose  tragic 
^nd  brought  sorrow  and  dismay  to  all  of  Cuba.    With  an  army 


COLORED    OFFICERS  307 

thronging  with  blacks  and  mulattoes,  these  Cuban  chieftains, 
black,  mulatto  and  white,  prolonged  such  an  harassing  war- 
fare as  to  compel  the  intervention  of  the  United  States.  At 
the  end  of  this  recital,  which  could  well  have  been  extended 
with  greater  particularity,  if  it  were  thought  needful,  we  are 
bound  to  conclude  that  the  arbitrary  formula  relied  upon  by 
the  opponents  of  colored  officers  was  never  constructed  to  fit 
such  an  obstinate  set  of  facts. 

The  prolonged  struggle  which  culminated  in  permitting 
the  Negro's  general  enlistment  in  our  Civil  War  had  only 
to  be  repeated  to  secure  for  him  the  full  pay  of  a  soldier,  the 
right  to  be  treated  as  a  prisoner  of  w^ar,  and  to  relieve  him  of 
the  monopoly  of  fatigue  and  garrison  duty.  He  was  too  over- 
joyed with  the  boon  of  fighting  for  the  liberation  of  his  race 
to  make  much  contention  about  who  was  to  lead  him.  With 
meagre  exception,  his  exclusive  business  in  that  war  w'as  to 
carry  a  gun.  Yet  repeatedly  Negro  soldiers  evinced  high 
capacity  for  command.  Colonel  Thomas  Wentworth  Higgin- 
son  draws  a  glowing  portrait  of  Sergeant  Prince  Rivers, 
Color-Sergeant  of  the  First  South  Carolina  Volunteers,  a 
regiment  of  slaves,  organized  late  in  1862.  The  Color-Ser- 
geant was  provost-Sergeant  also,  and  had  entire  charge  of  the 
prisoners  and  of  the  daily  policing  of  the  camp. 

"He  is  a  man  of  distinguished  appearance  and  in  old  times 
was  the  crack  coachman  of  Beaufort.  *  *  *  They  tell 
me  that  he  was  once  allowed  to  present  a  petition  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  South  Carolina  in  behalf  of  slaves,  for  the  redress 
of  certain  grievances,  and  that  a  placard,  offering  two  thous- 
and dollars  for  his  re-capture  is  still  to  be  seen  by  the  wayside 
between  here  and  Charleston.  He  was  a  sergeant  in  the  old 
"Hunter  Regiment,'  and  was  taken  by  General  Hunter  to  New 


30S  COLORED   OFFICERS 

York  last  spring,  where  the  chevrons  on  his  arm  brought  a 
mob  upon  him  in  Broadway,  whom  he  kept  off  till  the  police 
interfered.  There  is  not  a  white  officer  in  this  regiment  who 
has  more  administrative  ability,  or  more  absolute  authority 
over  the  men ;  they  do  not  love  him,  but  his  mere  presence  has 
controlling  power  over  them.  He  writes  well  enough  to  pre- 
pare for  me  a  daily  report  of  his  duties  in  the  camp;  if  his 
education  reached  a  higher  point  I  see  no  reason  why  he 
should  not  command  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  is  jet- 
black,  or  rather,  I  should  say,  wine-black,  his  complexion,  like 
that  of  others  of  my  darkest  men,  having  a  sort  of  rich,  clear 
depth,  without  a  trace  of  sootiness,  and  to  my  eye  very  hand- 
some. His  features  are  tolerably  regular,  and  full  of  com- 
mand, and  his  figure  superior  to  that  of  any  of  our  white  offi- 
cers, being  six  feet  high,  perfectly  proportioned,  and  of  ap- 
parently inexhaustable  strength  and  activity.  His  gait  is  like 
a  panther's ;  I  never  saw  such  a  tread.  No  anti-slavery  novel 
has  described  a  man  of  such  marked  abilit}'.  He  makes 
Toussaint  perfectly  intelligible,  and  if  there  should  ever  be  a 
black  monarchy  in  South  Carolina  he  will  be  its  king."* 

Excepting  the  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  the  First  South 
Carolina  Volunteers  was  the  first  regiment  of  colored  troops 
to  be  mustered  into  the  service  in  the  Civil  War.  The  regi- 
ment was  made  up  entirely  of  slaves,  with  scarcely  a  mulatto 
among  them.  The  first  day  of  freedom  for  these  men  was 
passed  in  uniform  and  with  a  gun.  Among  these  Negroes, 
just  wrested  from  slavery,  their  scholarly  commander,  Colonel 
Higginson,  could  find  many  whom  he  judged  well  fitted  by 
nature  to  command. 

"Afterwards  I  had  excellent  battalion  drills,"    he    writes, 


*Thomas  Westvvorth   Higginson:    Army  Life  in  a  Black  Regiment, 
pp.  57-8. 


COLORED   OFFICERS  3O9 

"without  a  single  white  officer,  by  way  of  experiment,  putting 
each  company  under  a  sergeant,  and  going  through  the  most 
difficult  movements,  such  as  division  columns  and  oblique 
squares.  And  as  to  actual  discipline,  it  is  doing  no  injustice 
to  the  line-officers  of  the  regiment  to  say  that  none  of  them  re- 
ceived from  the  men  more  implicit  obedience  than  Color-Ser- 
geant Rivers.  *  *  *  jj-  always  seemed  to  me  an  insult 
to  those  brave  men  to  have  novices  put  over  their  heads,  on 
the  ground  of  color  alone,  and  the  men  felt  it  the  more  keenly 
as  they  remained  longer  in  the  service.  There  were  more 
than  seven  hundred  enlisted  men  in  the  regiment,  when  mus- 
tered out  after  more  than  three  years'  service.  The  ranks  had 
been  kept  full  by  enlistment,  but  there  were  only  fourteen 
line-officers  instead  of  the  full  thirty.  The  men  who  should 
have  filled  these  vacancies  were  doing  duty  as  sergeants  in  the 
ranks."* 

Numerous  expeditions  were  constantly  on  foot  in  the  De- 
partment of  the  South,  having  for  their  object  the  liberation 
of  slaves  still  held  to  service  in  neighborhoods  remote  from 
the  Union  camps,  or  to  capture  supplies  and  munitions  of  war. 
Frequently  these  expeditions  came  in  conflict  with  armed 
bodies  of  rebels  and  hot  engagements  would  ensue,  resulting 
in  considerable  loss  of  life.  Colored  soldiers  were  particularly 
serviceable  for  this  work  because  of  their  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  country  and  their  zeal  for  the  rescue  of  their  enslaved 
brethren. 

One  of  these  expeditions,  composed  of  thirty  colored  sol- 
diers and  scouts,  commanded  by  Sergeant-Ma j  or  Henry 
James,  Third  United  States  Colored  Troops,  left  Jacksonville, 
Florida,  early  in  March,  1865,  to  penetrate  into  the  interior 


*Thc-         "'xLworth  Higginson:     Army  Life  in  a  Black  Regiment, 
p.  261. 


310  COLORED    OFFICEHS 

through  Marion  county.  They  destroyed  considerable  prop- 
erty in  the  use  of  the  rebel  government,  burned  the  bridge 
across  the  Oclawaha  River,  and  started  on  their  return  with 
ninety-one  Negroes  whom  they  had  rescued  from  slavery, 
four  white  prisoners,  some  wagons  and  a  large  number  of 
horses  and  mules.  They  were  attacked  by  a  rebel  band  of 
more  than  fifty  cavalry.  The  colored  soldiers  commanded  by 
one  of  their  own  number,  defeated  and  drove  off  the  rebels, 
inflicting  upon  them  the  heavy  loss  of  thirty  men.  After  a 
long  and  rapid  march  they  arrived  at  St.  Augustine,  Florida, 
with  a  loss  of  but  two  killed  and  four  wounded,  the  expedi- 
tion covering  in  all  five  days.  These  colored  soldiers  and 
their  colored  commander  were  thanked  in  orders  by  Major- 
Cxeneral  O.  A.  Gilmore,  commanding  the  department,  who 
was  moved  to  declare  that  "this  expedition,  planned  and  ex- 
ecuted by  colored  men,  under  the  command  of  a  colored  non- 
commissioned officer,  reflects  credit  upon  the  brave  partici- 
pants and  their  leader,"  and  "he  holds  up  their  conduct  to 
their  comrades  in  arms  as  an  example  worthy  of  emulation. "■*' 

It  was  no  uncommon  occurrence  throughout  the  Civil  War 
for  colored  non-commissioned  officers  to  be  thrown  into  com- 
mand of  their  companies  by  the  killing  or  wounding  of  their 
superior  officers.  On  many  a  field  of  battle  this  happened  and 
these  colored  non-commissioned  officers  showed  the  same  abil- 
ity to  take  the  initiative  and  accept  the  responsibility,  and 
conducted  their  commands  just  as  bravely  and  unfalteringly  as 
did  their  successors  on  the  firing  line  at  La  Guasima  and  El 
Caney,  or  in  the  charge  up  San  Juan  Hill. 

In  the  battle  of  New  Market  Heights,  fought  on  the  29th 
of  September,  1864,  as  part  of  a  comprehensive  effort  to  turn 


♦Williams's  Negro  Troops  in  the  Rebellion,  pp.  339-40,  quoting  the 
order. 


COLORED    OFFICERS  3tl 

Lee's  left  flank,  the  great  heroism  of  the  black  soldiers,  and 
the  terrible  slaughter  among  them,  impressed  their  com- 
mander, the  late  Major-General  Butler,  to  his  dying  day,  and 
made  him  the  stout  champion  of  their  rights  for  the  rest  of  his 
life.  In  that  battle,  to  quote  from  the  orders  putting  on  record 
the  "gallant  deeds  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Army  of 
the  James" : — 

"Milton  M.  Holland,  Sergeant-Major  Fifth  United  States 
Colored  Troops,  commanding  Company  C;  James  H.  Bron- 
son.  First  Sergeant,  commanding  Company  D ;  Robert  Finn, 
First  Sergeant,  commanding  Company  I,  wounded ;  Powhatan 
Beaty,  First  Sergeant,  commanding  Company  G,  Fifth  United 
States  Colored  Troops — all  these  gallant  colored  soldiers  were 
left  in  command,  all  their  company  officers  being  killed  or 
wounded,  and  led  them  gallantly  and  meritoriously  through 
the  day.  For  these  services  they  have  most  honorable  men- 
tion, and  the  commanding  general  will  cause  a  special  medal 
to  be  struck  in  honor  of  these  gallant  soldiers." 

"First  Sergeant  Edward  Ratcliff,  Company  C,  Thirty- 
eighth  United  States  Colored  Troops,  thrown  into  command 
of  his  company  b}^  the  deatli  of  the  officer  commanding,  was 
the  first  enlisted  man  in  the  enemy's  works,  leading  his  com- 
pany with  great  gallantry  for  which  he  has  a  medal." 

"Sergeant  Samuel  Gilchrist,  Company  K,  Thirty-sixth 
United  States  Colored  Troops,  showed  great  bravery  and  gal- 
lantry in  commanding  his  company  after  his  officers  were 
killed.    He  has  a  medal  for  gallantry."* 

"Honorable  mention"  and  "medals"  were  the  sole  reward 
open  to  the  brave  Negro  soldiers  of  that  day. 

Not  alone  in  camp  and  garrison,  in  charge  of  expeditions, 


♦Williams's  Negro  Troop?  in  the  Rebellion,  pp.  334-6,  original  order 
quoted. 


3^2  COLORED    OFFICERS 

or  as  non-commissioned  officers  thrown  into  command  of  their 
companies  on  the  field  of  battle  have  Negro  soldiers  displayed 
unquestioned   capacity   for  command,    but  as   commissioned 
ofncers  they  commanded  in    camp    and    in    battle,    showing 
marked  efficiency  and  conspicuous  gallantry.    The  colored  offi- 
cers of  the  First  and  Second  Regiments  of  Louisiana  Native 
Guards,  whose  history  has  been  detailed  earlier  in  this  chap- 
ter,* were  retained  in  the  service  long  enough  to  command 
their  troops  in  bloody  combat  with  the  enemy.     It  will  be  re- 
membered that  of  the  Second  Regiment  of  Louisiana  Native 
Guards  only  the  Colonel  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  were  white, 
the  Major,  F.  E.  Dumas,  and  all  the  line  officers,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  First  Regiment  of  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  being  col- 
ored.    On  April  9,  1863,  Colonel  N.  U.  Daniels,  who  com- 
manded the  Second  Regiment  of  Louisiana  Native  Guards, 
with  a  detachment  of  two  hundred  men  of  his  regiment,  under 
their  colored  officers,  engaged  and  repulsed    a    considerable 
body  of  rebel  infantry  and  cavalry  at  Pascagoula,  Mississippi. 
The  engagement  lasted  from  10  A.  M.  until  2  P.  M.  and  was 
remarkable  for  the  steadiness,  tenacity  and  bravery  of  these 
black  troops  in  this,  their  first  battle,  where  they  succeeded  in 
defeating  and  beating  off  an  enemy  five  times  their  number. 
The  official   report  by  the    Colonel    commanding    declared : 
"Great  credit  is  due  to  the  troops  engaged  for  their  unflinch- 
ing bravery  and  steadiness  under  this,  their    first    fire,    ex- 
changing volley  after  volley  with  the  coolness    of    veterans, 
and  for  their  determined  tenacity  in  maintaining  their  posi- 
tion, and  taking  advantage  of  every  success  that  their  courage 
and  valor  gave  them ;  and  also  to  their  officers,  who  were  cool 
and  determined  throughout  the  action,  fighting  their  commands 

♦See  pp.    3SI-6  MS. 


dOLORED    OFFICERS  31^ 

against  five  times  their  number,  and  confident  throughout  of 
success.     *     *     * 

"I  would  particularly  call  the  attention  of  the  department 
to  Major  F.  E.  Dumas,  Capt.  Villeverd  and  Lieuts.  Jones  and 
Martin,  who  were  constantly  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  and 
by  their  unflinching  bravery  and  admirable  handling  of  their 
commands,  contributed  to  the  success  of  the  attack,  and  re- 
flected great  honor  upon  the  flag  for  which  they  so  nobly  strug- 
gled."* 

The  battle  which  settled  for  all  time  the  bravery  of  black 
troops,  and  ought  as  well  to  silence  all  question  about  the 
capacity  of  colored  officers,  was  the  storming  of^Port  Hudson, 
May  27,  1863.  For  months  the  Confederates  had  fiad  unin- 
terrupted opportunity  to  strengthen  their  works  at  Port  Hud- 
son at  a  time  when  an  abundance  of  slave  labor  was  at  their 
disposal.  They  had  constructed  defenses  of  remarkable 
strength.  On  a  bluff,  eighty  feet  above  the  river,  was  a  series 
of  batteries  mounting  in  all  twenty  siege  guns.  For  land  de- 
fenses they  had  a  continuous  line  of  parapet  of  strong  profile, 
beginning  at  a  point  on  the  river  a  mile  from  Port  Hudson 
and  extending  in  a  semi-circle  for  three  or  four  miles  over  a 
country  for  the  most  part  rough  and  broken,  and  ending  again 
at  the  river,  a  half  mile  north  of  Port  Hudson.  At  appro- 
priate positions  along  this  line  four  bastion  works  were  con- 
structed and  thirty  pieces  of  field  artillery  were  posted.  The 
average  thickness  of  the  parapet  was  twenty  feet,  and  the 
depth  of  the  ditch  below  the  top  of  the  parapet  was  fifteen 
feet.  The  ground  behind  the  parapet  was  well  adapted  for 
the  prompt  movement  of  troops.* 

*Wilson:    Black  Phalanx,  p.  211,  original  order  quoted. 


♦Campaigns  of  the  Civil  War.     F.   V.   Greene.     The  Mississippi,  p. 
226  et  seq. 


314  COLORED     OFFICERS 

On  the  24th  of  May  General  Banks  reached  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  Port  Hudson,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  invest  the 
place. 

On  the  27th  the  assault  was  ordered.  Two  colored  regi- 
ments of  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  the  First  Regiment  with 
all  line  officers  colored,  and  the  Third  with  white  officers 
throughout,  were  put  under  command  of  Colonel  John  A.  Nel- 
son, of  the  Third  Regiment,  and  assigned  to  position  on  the 
right  of  the  line,  where  the  assault  was  begun.  The  right 
began  the  assault  in  the  morning;  for  some  reason  the  left  did 
not  assault  until  late  in  the  afternoon.  Six  companies  of  the 
First  Louisiana  and  nine  companies  of  the  Third,  in  all  1080 
men,  were  formed  in  column  of  attack.  Even  now,  one  can- 
not contemplate  unmoved  the  desperate  valor  of  these  black 
troops  and  the  terrible  slaughter  among  them  as  they  were 
sent  to  their  impossible  task  that  day  in  May.  Moving  for- 
ward in  double  quick  time  the  column  emerged  from  the 
woods,  and  passing  over  the  plain  strewn  with  felled  trees  and 
entangled  brushwood,  plunged  into  a  fury  of  shot  and  shell  as 
they  charged  for  the  batteries  on  the  rebel  left.  Again  and 
again  that  unsupported  column  of  black  troops  held  to  their 
hopeless  mission  by  the  unrelenting  order  of  the  brigade  com- 
mander, hurled  itself  literally  into  the  jaws  of  death,  many 
meeting  horrible  destruction  actually  at  the  cannon's  mouth. 

It  was  a  day  prodigal  with  deeds  of  fanatical  bravery.  The 
colors  of  the  First  Louisiana,  torn  and  shivered  in  that  fearful 
hail  of  fire,  were  still  borne  forward  in  front  of  the  works  by 
the  color-sergeant,  until  a  shell  from  the  enemy  cut  the  flag 
in  two  and  gave  the  sergeant  his  mortal  wound.  JHe^ieiL 
spattering  the  flag  with  blood  and  brains  and  hugged  it  to  his 
"~^osom  as  he  lay  in  the  grasp  of  death.    Two  corporals  sprang 


COLORED    OFFICERS  315 

forward  to  seize  the  colors,  contending  in  generous  rivalry 
until  a  rebel  sharpshooter  felled  one  of  them  across  the  ser- 
geant's lifeless  body.  The  other  dashed  proudly  forward 
with  the  flag.    Sixteen  men  fell  that  day  defending  the  colors. 

Black  officers  and  white  officers  commanded  side  by  side, 
moving  among  the  men  to  prompt  their  valor  by  word  and 
example,  revealing  no  difference  in  their  equal  contempt  of 
death.  Captain  Quinn,  of  the  Third  Regiment,  with  forty 
reckless  followers,  bearing  their  rifles  and  cartridge  boxes 
above  their  heads,  swam  the  ditch  and  leaped  among  the  guns, 
when  they  were  ordered  back  to  escape  a  regiment  of  rebels 
hastening  for  their  rear.  Six  of  them  re-crossed  alive,  and 
of  these  only  two  were  unhurt,  the  brave  Quinn  and  a  Lieuten- 
ant. The  gallant  Captain  Andre  Cailloux,  who  commanded 
the  coloF"^compari)roTThenPirsFT.ouisi^^^  a  man  black  as 
night,  but  a  leader  by  birth  and  education,  moved  in  eager 
zeal  among  his  men,  cheering  them  on  by  words  and  his  own 
noble  example,  with  his  left  arm  already  shattered,  proudly 
refusing  to  leave  the  field.  In  a  last  effort  of  heroism,  he 
sprang  to  the  front  of  his  company,  commanded  his  men  to 
follow  him,  and  in  the  face  of  that  murderous  fire,  gallantly 
led  them  forward  until  a  shell  smote  him  to  death  but  fifty 
yards  from  the  works. 

Cailloux,  a  pure  Negro  in  blood,  was  born  a  freeman  and 
numbered  generations  of  freemen  among  his  ancestry.  He 
had  fine  presence,  was  a  man  of  culture  and  possessed 
wealth.  He  had  raised  his  company  by  his  own  efforts,  and  at- 
tached them  to  him,  not  only  by  his  ardent  pride  of  race,  which 
made  him  boaSt  his  blackness,  but  also  by  his  undoubted  tal- 
ents for  command.  His  heroic  death  was  mourned  by  thous- 
ands of  his  race  who  had  known  him.     His  body,  recovered 


3^6  COLORED    OFFICERS 

after  the  surrender,  was  given  a  soldier's  burial  in  his  own 
native  city  of  New  Orleans. 

When  the  day  was  spent,  the  bleeding  and  shattered  column 
was  at  length  recalled.  The  black  troops  did  not  take  the 
guns,  but  the  day's  work  had  won  for  them  a  fame  that  can- 
not die.  The  nation,  which  had  received  them  into  the  ser- 
vice half-heartedly,  and  out  of  necessity,  was  that  day  made 
to  witness  a  monotony  of  gallantry  and  heroism  that  com- 
pelled everywhere  awe  and  admiration.  Black  soldiers,  and 
led  by  black  officers  as  well  as  white,  assigned  a  task  hope- 
less and  impossible  at  the  start,  had  plunged  into  that  wither- 
ing storm  of  shot  and  shell,  poured  fourth  by  artillery  and  in- 
fantry, charging  over  a  field  strewn  with  obstacles,  and  in 
madness  of  bravery  had  more  than  once  thrown  the  thin  head 
of  their  column  to  the  very  edge  of  the  guns.  They  recoiled 
only  to  reform  their  broken  lines  and  to  start  again  their  des- 
perate work.  XMien  the  day  was  gone,  and  they  were  called 
back,  the  shattered  remnant  of  the  column  which  had  gone 
forth  in  the  morning  still  burned  with  passion.  With  that 
day's  work  of  black  soldiers  under  black  officers,  a  part  for- 
ever of  the  military  glory  of  the  Republic,  there  are  those 
who  yet  dare  to  declare  that  Negroes  cannot  command. 

The  assault  on  Port  Hudson  had  been  unsuccessful  all  along 
the  line.  A  second  assault  was  ordered  June  13.  It,  too,  was 
unsuccessful.  The  fall  of  Vicksburg  brought  the  garrison  to 
terms.  The  surrender  took  place  July  9,  1863.  In  the  re- 
port of  the  general  commanding,  the  colored  soldiers  were 
given  unstinted  praise.  General  Banks  declared  that  "no 
troops  could  be  more  determined  or  more  daring."*  The 
Northern  press  described  glowingly  their  part  in    the    fight. 

^Williams's  Negro  Troops  in  the  Rebellion,  p.  221,  original  order 
quoted. 


COLORED    OFFICERS  317 

The  prowess  of  the  black  soldiers  had  conquered  military  pre- 
judice, and  won  for  them  a  place  in  the  army  of  the  Union. 
And  the  brave  black  officers  who  led  these  black  soldiers,  they 
were,  all  of  them,  ordered  forthwith  before  an  examining 
board  with  the  purpose  of  driving  them  from  the  service,  and 
every  one  of  them  in  self-respect  was  made  to  resign.  In  such 
manner  was  their  bravery  rewarded. 

In  the  four  regiments  of  colored  troops  made  a  part  of  the 
Regular  Army  since  the  Civil  War,  colored  soldiers,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  three  colored  graduates  from  West  Point,  re- 
ferred to  earlier  in  this  chapter,  have  repeatedly  given  evi- 
dence of  their  capacity  to  command.  An  earlier  chapter  has 
already  set  forth  the  gallant  manner  in  which  colored  non- 
commissioned officers,  left  in  command  by  the  killing  or 
wounding  of  their  officers,  commanded  their  companies  at  La 
Guasima,  El  Caney  and  in  the  charge  at  San  Juan.  On  num- 
erous occasions,  with  none  of  the  heroic  setting  of  the  Santi- 
ago campaign,  have  colored  soldiers  time  and  again  com- 
mand detachments  and  companies  on  dangerous  scouting  ex- 
peditions, and  in  skirmishes  and  fights  with  hostile  Indians 
and  marauders.  The  entire  Western  country  is  a  witness  of 
their  prowess.  This  meritorious  work,  done  in  remote  re- 
gions, has  seldom  come  to  public  notice;  the  medal  which  the 
soldier  wears,  and  the  official  entry  in  company  and  regi- 
mental record  are  in  most  cases  the  sole  chronicle.  A  typical 
instance  is  furnished  in  the  career  of  Sergeant  Richard  An- 
derson, late  of  the  Ninth  Cavalry.  The  sergeant  has  long 
ago  completed  his  thirty  years  of  service.  He  passed  through 
all  non-commissioned  grades  in  his  troop  and  regiment,  and 
was  retired  as  Post  Commissary-Sergeant.  The  story  of  the 
engagements  in  which  he  commanded  give  ample  proof  of  his 


3l8  COLORED    OFFICERS 

ability  and  bravery.  It  would  be  no  service  to  the  sergeant 
to  disturb  his  ov^n  frank  and  formal  narrative. 

The  Sergeant's  story : — 

"While  in  sub-camp  at  Fort  Gumming,  New  Mexico,  awaiting 
orders  for  campaign  duty  against  hostile  Indians  (old  Naney's 
band),  on  the  evening  of  June  5,  1880,  my  troop  commander 
being  absent  at  Fort  Bayard,  which  left  me  in  command  of  my 
troop,  there  being  no  other  commissioned  officer  available,  a  re- 
port having  come  in  to  the  commanding  officer  about  i  o'clock 
that  a  band  of  Apache  Indians  were  marching  toward  Cook's 
Canon,  Troops  B  and  L,  under  general  command  of  Captain 
Francis,  9th  Cavalry,  and  myself  commanding  Troop  B,  were 
ordered  out. 

We  came  upon  the  Indians  in  Cook's  Canon  and  had  an 
engagement  which  lasted  two  or  three  hours.  Three  or  four 
Indians  were  killed  and  several  wounded.  W^e  had  no  men 
killed,  but  a  few  wounded  in  both  L  and  B  Troops.  We  fol- 
lowed the  Indians  many  miles  that  evening,  but  having  no  ra- 
tions, returned  to  Fort  Cumming  late  that  evening,  and  went 
into  camp  until  the  following  morning,  when  the  two  troops 
took  the  trail  and  followed  it  many  days,  but  being  unable  to 
overtake  the  Indians,  returned  to  Fort  Cumming. 

In  August,  1 88 1,  while  my  troop  was  in  camp  at  Fort  Cum- 
ming, New  Mexico,  awaiting  orders  for  another  campaign 
against  these  same  Apache  Indians,  my  troop  commander  hav- 
ing been  ordered  to  Fort  Bayard,  New  Mexico,  on  general 
court-martial  duty,  and  during  his  absence  having  no  commis- 
sioned officer  available,  I  was  in  command  of  my  troop  subject 
to  the  orders  of  the  post  commander.  At  12  o'clock  at  night, 
August  17,  1881,  while  in  my  tent  asleep,  the  commanding  offi- 
cer's orderly  knocked  on  my  tent  and  informed  me  that  the 
commanding  officer  wanted  me  to  report  to  him  at  once.  I 
asked  the  orderly  what  was  up.  He  informed  me  that  he  sup- 
posed a  scout  was  going  out,  as  the  commanding  officer  had 
sent  for  Lieutenant  Smith,  then  in  command  of  Troop  H,  9th 
Cavalry. 

I  dressed  myself  promptly  and  reported,  and  found  Lieuten- 
ant Smith  and  the  commanding  officer  at  the  office  on  my  ar- 
rival. 

The  commanding  officer  asked  me  about  how  many  men  T 
could  mount  for  thirty  days'  detached  duty,  leaving  so  many 


COLORED    OFFICERS  $19 

men  to  take  care  of  property  and  horses.  I  told  him  about 
how  many.  He  ordered  me  to  make  a  ration  return  for  that 
number  of  men,  and  send  a  sergeant  to  draw  rations  for  thirty 
days'  scout;  and  for  me  to  hurry  up,  and  when  ready  to  report 
to  Lieutenant  Smith.  By  12.45  "^7  troop  was  ready  and 
mounted,  and  reported  as  ordered,  and  at  i  o'clock  Troop's 
B  and  H  pulled  out  from  Fort  Gumming  for  Lake  Valley,  New 
Mexico ;  and  when  the  sun  showed  himself  over  the  tops  of 
the  mountains  we  marched  down  the  mountains  into  Lake  Val- 
ley, thirty-five  miles  from  Fort  Gumming.  We  went  into  camp 
hoping  to  spend  a  few  hours  and  take  a  rest,  and  feed  our 
horses  and  men. 

About  9  o'clock  a  small  boy  came  running  through  camp 
crying  as  if  to  break  his  heart,  saying  that  the  In- 
dians had  killed  his  mother  and  their  baby.  Some  of 
the  men  said  the  boy  must  be  crazy ;  but  many  of  them 
made  for  their  horses  without  orders.  Soon  Lieutenant  Smith 
ordered  "Saddle  up."  In  less  than  live  minutes  all  the  com- 
mand was  saddled  up  and  ready  to  mount.  We  mounted  and 
pulled  out  at  a  gallop,  and  continued  at  that  gait  until  we  came 
to  a  high  mountain,  when  we  came  down  to  a  walk.  And  when 
over  the  mountain  v.-e  took  up  the  gallop,  and  from  that  time 
on,  nothing  but  a  gallop  and  a  trot,  when  the  country  was  favor- 
able for  such.  When  we  had  marched  about  two  miles  from 
Lake  Valley  we  met  the  father  of  the  boy,  with  his  leg  bleeding 
where  the  Indians  had  shot  him.  We  marched  about  half  a 
mile  farther,  when  we  could  see  the  Indians  leaving  this  man': 
ranch.  We  had  a  running  fight  with  them  from  that  time  until 
about  5  o'clock  that  evening,  August  i8th,  1881.  Having  no 
rations,  we  returned  to  Lake  Valley  with  the  intention  of  rest- 
ing that  night  and  taking  the  trail  the  next  morning;  but  about 
9  o'clock  that  night  a  ranchman  came  into  camp  and  reported 
that  the  Indians  had  marched  into  a  milk  ranch  and  burned  up 
the  ranch,  and  had  gone  into  camp  near  by. 

Lieutenant  Smith  ordered  me  to  have  the  command  in  readi- 
ness to  march  at  12  o'clock  sharp,  and  said  we  could  surprise 
those  Indians  and  capture  many  of  them  and  kill  a  few  also. 
T  went  and  made  my  detail  as  ordered,  with  five  days'  rations  in 
haversacks,  and  at  12  o'clock  reported  as  ordered. 

About  half-past  12  o'clock  the  command  pulled  out  and 
marched  within  about  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  milk  ranch  and 
went  into  camp ;  and  at  daylight  in  the  morning  saddled  up  and 


320  COLORED    OFFICERS 

marched  to  the  ranch.  The  Indians  had  pulled  out  a  few  min- 
utes before  our  arrival.  We  took  their  trail  and  came  up  with 
them  about  lo  o'clock,  finding  the  Indians  in  ambush.  Lieuten- 
ant Smith  was  the  first  man  killed,  and  when  I  heard  his  last 
command,  which  was  "Dismount,"  then  the  whole  command 
fell  upon  your  humble  servant.  We  fell  back,  up  a  canon  and 
on  a  hill,  and  held  them  until  4  o'clock,  when  a  reinforcement 
came  up  of  about  twenty  men  from  Lake  Valey  and  the  Indians 
pulled  off  over  the  mountains.  The  following-named  men  were 
killed  in  the  engagement : 

Lieutenant  G.  W.  Smith ;  Mr.  Daily,  a  miner ;  Saddler 
Thomas  Golding;  Privates  James  Brown  and  Monroe  Over- 
street.  Wounded — Privates  Wesley  Harris,  John  W.  Williams 
and  William  A.  Hallins. 

After  the  Indians  ceased  firing  and  fell  back  over  the  moun- 
tains I  cared  for  the  wounded  and  sent  Lieutenant  Smith's  body 
to  Fort  Bayard,  New  Mexico,  where  his  wife  was,  which  was 
about  sixty  miles  from  the  battle-ground,  and  Mr.  Daily's  body 
to  Lake  Valley,  all  under  a  strong  detachment  of  men  under  a 
non-commissioned  officer ;  when  I  marched  with  the  remainder 
of  the  command  with  the  dead  and  wounded  for  Rodman  Mill, 
where  I  arrived  about  5  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  August  20 
and  buried  the  dead  and  sent  the  wounded  to  Fort  Bayard. 

One  thing  that  attracted  my  attention  more  than  anything 
else  was  the  suffering  of  Private  John  W.  Williams,  Troop  H, 
who  was  shot  through  the  kneecap  and  had  to  ride  all  that  night 
from  the  battle-ground  to  Brookman's  Mill.     Poor  fellow! 

I  buried  all  my  dead,  and  then  marched  for  Fort  Gumming, 
where  we  arrived  about  sunset  and  reported  to  General  Edward 
Hatch,  then  commanding  the  regiment  and  also  the  district  of 
New  Mexico,  giving  him  all  the  details  pertaining  to  the  en- 
gagement. 

General  Hatch  asked  me  about  how  many  men  I  could  mount 
the  next  morning,  the  21st.  I  informed  him  about  how  many. 
He  ordered  me  to  have  my  troop  in  readiness  by  daylight  and 
report  to  Lieutenant  Demmick,  then  commanding  Troop  L, 
and  follow  that  Indian  trail. 

My  troop  was  ready  as  ordered,  and  marched.    We  followed 
those  Indians  to  the  line  of  Old  Mexico,  but  were  unable  to 
overtake  them.     Such  was  my  last  engagement  with  hostile. 
Indians." 


COLORED     OH  ICERS  3*1 

The  formula  that  Negroes  cannot  command,  with  the  fur- 
ther assertion  that  colored  soldiers  will  neither  follow  nor 
obey  officers  of  their  own  race,  we  have  now  taken  out  of  the 
heads  of  its  upholders,  and  away  from  its  secure  setting  of 
type  on  the  printed  page,  and  applied  it  to  the  facts.  Negro 
soldiers  have  shown  their  ability  to  command  by  command- 
ing, not  always  with  shoulder-straps,  to  be  sure,  but  neverthe- 
less commanding.  With  wearying  succession,  instance  after 
instance,  where  Negroes  have  exercised  all  manner  of  military 
command  and  always  creditably,  have  extended  for  us  a  re- 
cital to  the  border  of  monotony,  and  made  formidable  test  of 
our  patience.  In  France  and  the  West  Indies,  in  Central  and 
South  America,  Negroes  have  commanded  armies,  in  one  in- 
stance fighting  under  Napoleon,  at  other  times  to  free  them- 
selves from  slavery  and  their  countries  from  the  yoke  of  op- 
pression. In  our  own  country,  from  the  days  of  the  Revo- 
lution, when  fourteen  American  officers  declared  in  a  memor- 
ial to  the  Congress,  that  a  "Negro  man  called  Salem  Poor, 
of  Colonel  Frye's  regiment,  Captain  Ames'  company,  in  the 
late  battle  at  Charlestown,  behaved  like  an  experienced  officer, 
as  well  as  an  excellent  soldier;"*  from  the  first  war  of  the 
nation  down  to  its  last,  Negro  soldiers  have  been  evincing 
their  capacity  to  command.  In  the  Civil  War,  where  thous- 
ands of  colored  soldiers  fought  for  the  Union,  their  ability  to 
command  has  been  evidenced  in  a  hundred  ways,  on  scouts 
and  expeditions,  in  camp  and  in  battle ;  on  two  notable  occas- 
ions, Negro  officers  gallantly  fought  their  commands  side  by 
side  with  white  officers,  and  added  lustre  to  the  military  glory 
of  the  nation.    Upon  the  re-organization  of  the  Regular  Army 


*MS.  Archives  of  Massachusetts,  Vol.  i8o,  p.  241.  quoted  in  Williams's 
Negro  Troops  in  the  Rebellion,  p.  13, 


3J2  COLORED    OFFICHRS 

at  the  close  of  the  war  the  theatre  shifted  to  our  Western 
frontier,  where  the  Negro  soldier  continued  to  display  his 
ability  to  command.  Finally,  in  the  Spanish  War,  just  closed, 
the  Negro  soldier  made  the  nation  again  bear  witness  not 
alone  to  his  undaunted  bravery,  but  also  to  his  conspicuous 
capacity  to  command.  Out  of  this  abundant  and  conclusive 
array  of  incontestable  facts,  frankly,  is  there  anything  left 
to  the  arbitrary  formula  that  Negroes  cannot  command,  but 
a  string  of  ipse  dixits  hung  on  a  very  old,  but  still  decidedly 
robust  prejudice?  There  is  no  escape  from  the  conclusion  that 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  with  opportunity,  Negroes  differ  in  no 
wise  from  other  men  in  capacity  to  exercise  military  command. 
--  Undoubtedly  substantial  progress  has  been  made  respecting 
colored  officers  since  1863,  when  colored  soldiers  were  first 
admitted  in  considerable  numbers  into  the  army  of  the  Union. 
At  the  period  of  the  Civil  War  colored  officers  for  colored 
soldiers  was  little  more  than  thought  of;  the  sole  instance 
comprised  the  short-lived  colored  officers  of  the  three  regi- 
ments of  Louisiana  Native  Guards,  and  the  sporadic  appoint- 
ments made  near  the  close  of  the  war,  when  the  fighting  was 
over. 

More  than  three  hundred  colored  officers  served  in  the  vol- 
unteer army  in  the  war  with  Spain.  Two  Northern  States, 
Illinois  and  Kansas,  and  one  Southern  State,  North  Carolina, 
put  each  in  the  field  as  part  of  its  quota  a  regiment  of  colored 
troops  officered  throughout  by  colored  men.  Ohio  and  In- 
diana contributed  each  a  separate  battalion  of  colored  soldiers 
entirely  under  colored  officers. 

In  1863  a  regiment  of  colored  troops  with  colored  officers 
was  practically  inipossible.  In  1898  a  regiment  of  colored 
volunteers  without  some  colored  officers  was  almost  equally 


COLORED    OFFICERS  323 

impossible.  In  1863  a  regiment  of  colored  soldiers  com- 
manded by  colored  officers  would  have  been  a  violation  of  the 
sentiment  of  the  period  and  an  outrage  upon  popular  feelings, 
the  appearance  of  which  in  almost  any  Northern  city  would 
hardly  fail  to  provoke  an  angry  and  resentful  mob.  At  that 
period,  even  black  recruits  in  uniforms  were  frequently  as- 
saulted in  the  streets  of  Northern  cities.  We  have  seen  al- 
ready how  Sergeant  Rivers,  of  the  First  South  Carolina  Vol- 
unteers, had  to  beat^  off  a  mob  on  Broadway  in  New  York 
city.  In  1898  regiments  and  battalions  of  colored  troops,  with 
colored  colonels  and  majors  in  command,  came  out  of  States 
where  the  most  stringent  black  laws  were  formerly  in  force, 
and  were  greeted  with  applause  as  they  passed  on  their  way  to 
their  camps  or  to  embark  for  Cuba. 

In  Baltimore,  in  1863,  the  appearance  of  a  Negro  in  the 
uniform  of  an  army  surgeon  started  a  riot,  and  the  irate  mob 
was  not  appeased  until  it  had  stripped  the  patriotic  colored 
doctor  of  his  shoulder-straps.  In  1898,  when  the  Sixth  Regi- 
ment of  Massachusetts  Volunteers  passed  through  the  same 
city,  the  colored  officers  of  Company  L  of  that  regiment  were 
welcomed  with  the  same  courtesies  as  their  white  colleagues — 
courtesies  extended  as  a  memorial  of  the  fateful  progress  of 
the  regiment  through  the  city  of  Baltimore  in  1861.  One 
State  which  went  to  war  in  1861  to  keep  the  Negro  a  slave, 
put  in  the  field  a  regiment  of  colored  soldiers,  officered  by 
colored  men  from  the  colonel  down.  To  this  extent  has  pre- 
judice been  made  to  yield  either  to  political  necessity,  or  a 
generous  change  in  sentiment.  Thus  were  found  States  both 
North  and  South  willing  to  give  the  Negro  the  full  military 
recognition  to  which  he  is  entitled. 

With  this  wider  recognition  of  colored  officers  the  general 


324  COLORED    OFFICERS 

government  has  not  kept  pace.  In  the  four  regiments  of  col- 
ored volunteers  recruited  by  the  general  government  for  ser- 
vice in  the  war  with  Spain,  only  the  lieutenants  were  colored. 
Through  the  extreme  conservatism  of  the  War  Department, 
in  these  regiments  no  colored  officers,  no  matter  how  meritor- 
ious, could  be  appointed  or  advanced  to  the  g-rade  of  captain. 
Such  was  the  announced  policy  of  the  department,  and  it  was 
strictly  carried  out.  The  commissioning  of  this  large  num- 
ber of  colored  men  even  to  lieutenancies  was,  without  doubt, 
a  distinct  step  in  advance;  it  was  an  entering  wedge.  But 
it  was  also  an  advance  singularly  inadequate  and  embarrassing. 
In  one  of  these  colored  volunteer,  commonly  called  "immune" 
regiments,  of  the  twelve  captains,  but  five  had  previous  mili- 
tary' training,  while  of  the  twenty-four  colored  lieutenants, 
eighteen  had  previous  militar)-  experience,  and  three  of  the 
remaining  six  were  promoted  from  the  ranks,  so  that  at  the 
time  of  their  appointment  twenty-one  lieutenants  had  previous 
military  training.  Of  the  five  captains  with  previous  mili- 
tary experience,  one,  years  ago,  had  been  a  lieutenant  in  the 
Regular  Army;  another  was  promoted  from  Post  Quarter- 
master-Sergeant ;  a  third  at  one  time  had  been  First  Sergeant 
of  Artillery ;  the  remaining  two  had  more  or  less  experience 
in  the  militia.  Of  the  eighteen  lieutenants  with  previous  mili- 
tary experience,  twelve  had  served  in  the  Regular  Army; 
eight  of  these,  not  one  with  a  service  less  than  fifteen  years, 
were  promoted  directly  from  the  ranks  of  the  regulars  'for 
efficiency  and  gallantry.  At  the  time  of  their  promotion  two 
were  Sergeants,  five  First  Sergeants  and  one  a  Post  Quarter- 
master-Sergeant. The  four  others  from  the  Regular  Army 
had  served  five  years  each.  Of  the  six  remaining  Lieutenants 
with  previous  military  experience,  four  had  received  military 


COLORED    OVKICENS  325 

training-  in  high  schools,  three  of  wliom  were  subsequently 
officers  in  the  militia ;  fifth  graduated  from  a  state  college  with 
a  military  department ;  the  sixth  had  been  for  years  an  officer 
in  the  militia.  With  this  advantage  at  the  start,  it  is  no  ex- 
travagance to  say  that  the  colored  officers  practically  made  the 
companies.  To  them  was  due  the  greater  part  of  the  credit 
for  whatever  efficiency  the  companies  showed.  Moreover, 
these  colored  officers  were  not  behind  in  intelligence.  Among 
them  were  four  graduates  of  universities  and  colleges,  two 
lawyers,  two  teachers,  one  journalist,  five  graduates  of  high 
schools  and  academies,  and  the  men  from  the  Regular  Army, 
as  their  previous  non-commissioned  rank  indicates,  were  of 
good  average  intelligence.  There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that 
this  one  of  the  four  colored  volunteer  regiments  was  in  any 
degree  exceptional. 

These  are  the  officers  for  whom  the  War  Department  had 
erected  their  arbitrary  bar  at  captaincy,  and  declared  that  no 
show  of  efficiency  could  secure  for  them  the  titular  rank 
which  they  more  than  once  actually  exercised.  For  they  were 
repeatedly  in  command  of  their  companies  through  sickness 
or  absence  of  their  captains.  They  served  as  officers  without 
the  incentive  which  comes  from  hope  of  promotion.  They 
were  forced  to  see  the  credit  of  their  labors  go  to  others,  and 
to  share  more  than  once  in  discredit  for  which  they  were  not 
responsible.  They  were,  and  in  this  lay  their  chief  embarrass- 
ment, without  the  security  and  protection  which  higher  rank 
would  have  accorded  them.  In  case  of  trial  by  court-martial, 
captains  and  other  higher  officers  filled  the  court  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  almost  all  others.  These  were  white  men.  It  is 
gratifying  to  record  that  the  War  Department  recognized  this 
special  injustice  to  colored  officers,  and  in  the  two  regiments 
of  colored  volunteers  recruited  for  service  in  the  Philippines 


3*6  COLORED    OFFICERS 

all  the  line-officers  are  colored  men,  the  field  officers  being 
white,  and  appointed  from  the  Regular  Army  in  pursuance  of 
a  general  policy.  Thus  far  has  the  general  government  ad- 
vanced in  recognition  of  the  military  capacity  of  the  Negro. 
In  the  swing  of  the  pendulum  the  nation  is  now  at  the  place 
where  the  hardy  General  Butler  was  thirty-seven  years  ago, 
when  he  organized  the  three  regiments  of  Louisiana  Native 
Guards  with  all  line-officers  colored. 

The  way  in  which  modern  armies  are  organized  and  per- 
fected leaves  little  necessity  for  an  equipment  of  exceptional 
personal  gifts  in  order  to  exercise  ordinary  military  com- 
mand. The  whole  thing  is  subordinate,  and  the  field  for  per- 
sonal initiative  is  contracted  to  the  minimum.  In  our  own 
army  the  President  is  Commander-in-Qiief,  and  the  command 
descends  through  a  multitude  of  subordinate  grades  down  to 
the  lowest  commissioned  officer  in  the  service.  We  have 
"Articles  of  War"  and  "Regulations,"  and  the  entire  discip- 
line and  government  of  the  army  is  comrriitted  to  writing. 
There  is  no  chance  to  enshroud  in  mystery  the  ability  to  com- 
mand. For  ordinal*}'  military  command,  with  intelligence  the 
chief  requisite,  little  is  required  beyond  courage,  firmness  and 
good  judgment.  These  qualities  are  in  no  respect  natural 
barriers  for  colored  men. 

This  last  story  of  the  Negro  soldier's  efficiency  and  gal- 
lantry, told  in  the  pages  of  this  book,  teaches  its  own  very 
simple  conclusion.  The  Cuban  campaign  has  forced  the 
nation  to  recognize  the  completion  of  the  Negro's  evolution 
as  a  soldier  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States.  The  colored 
American  soldier,  by  his  own  prowess,  has  won  an  acknowl- 
edge<l  place  by  the  side  of  the  best  trained  fighters  with  arms. 
In  the  fullness  of  his  manhood  he  has  no  rejoicing  in  the  pat- 
ronizing paean,  "the  colored  troops  fought  nobly,"  nor  does 


COLORED    OFFICERS  337 

he  glow  at  all  when  told  of  his  "faithfulness"  and  "devotion" 
to  his  white  officers,  qualities  accentuated  to  'the  point  where 
they  might  well  fit  an  affectionate  dog.  He  lays  claim  to  no 
prerogative  other  than  that  of  a  plain  citizen  of  the  Republic, 
trained  to  the  profession  of  arms.  The  measure  of  his  de- 
mand— and  it  is  the  demand  of  ten  millions  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  allied  to  him  by  race — is  that  the  full  manhood  privil- 
eges of  a  soldier  be  accorded  him.  On  his  record  in  arms,  not 
excluding  his  manifest  capacity  to  command,  the  colored  sol- 
dier, speaking  for  the  entire  body  of  colored  citizens  in  l!h|rs 
country,  only  demands  that  the  door  of  the  nation's  military; 
training  school  be  freely  open  to  the  capable  of  his  race,  and 
the  avenue  of  promotion  from  the  ranks  be  accessible  to  his 
tried  efficiency;  that  no  hindrance  prevent  competent  colored 
men  from  taking  their  places  as  officers  as  well  as  soldiers  in 
the  nation's  permanent  military  establishment. 


328  APPENDIX 


APPENDIX. 


The  correspondence  following  shows  the  progress  of  the  ne- 
gotiations for  the  surrender  of  the  city  of  Santiago  and  the 
Spanish  Army,  from  the  morning  of  July  3d  until  the  final 
convention  was  signed  on  the  sixteenth  of  the  same  month. 
This  surrender  virtually  closed  the  war,  but  did  not  restore 
the  contending  nations  to  a  status  of  peace.  Twenty-three 
thousand  Spanish  soldiers  had  laid  down  their  arms  and  had 
been  transformed  from  enemies  to  friends.  On  the  tenth  of 
August  following,  a  protocol  was  submitted  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  which  was  accepted  by  the  Spanish 
cabinet  on  the  eleventh,  and  on  the  twelfth  the  President  an- 
nounced the  cessation  of  hostilities,  thus  closing  a  war  which 
had  lasted  one  hundred  and  ten  days.  On  the  tenth  of  De- 
cember a  Treaty  of  Peace  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain  was  signed  at  Paris,  which  was  subsequently  ratified  by 
both  nations,  and  diplomatic  relations  fully  restored.  The 
war,  though  short,  had  been  costly.  One  hundred  and  fifty 
million  dollars  had  been  spent  in  its  prosecution,  and  there 
were  left  on  our  hands  the  unsolved  problem  of  Cuba  and  the 
Philippines,  which  promised  much  future  trouble. 

Within  a  month  from  the  signing  of  the  convention,  the 
Army  of  Invasion,  known  as  the  Fifth  Army  Corps,  was  on 
its  homeward  voyage,  and  by  the  latter  part  of  August  the 
whole  command  was  well  out  of  Cuba.  Well  did  the  soldiers 
themselves,  as  well  as  their  friends,  realize,  as  the  former 
returned  from  that  campaign  of  a  hundred  days,  that  war  in 


APPENDIX  329 

the  tropics  was  neither  a  pastime  nor  a  practice  march.  The 
campaign  had  tested  the  powers  of  endurance  of  the  men  to 
its  utmost  limit.  The  horrors  of  war  were  brought  directly 
to  the  face  of  the  people,  as  the  ten  thousand  invalids  dragged 
their  debilitated  forms  from  the  transports  to  their  detention 
camps,  or  to  the  hospitals,  some  too  helpless  to  walk,  and 
many  to  die  soon  after  greeting  their  native  shores.  Those 
who  had  been  so  enthusiastic  for  the  war  were  now  quiet,  and 
were  eagerly  laying  the  blame  for  the  sorrow  and  suffering 
before  them  upon  the  shoulders  of  those  who  had  conducted 
the  war.  Few  stopped  to  think  that  a  good  part  of  this  woe 
might  be  justly  charged  to  those  who  had  constantly  resisted 
the  establishment  of  an  adequate  standing  army,  and  who, 
with  inconsistent  vehemence,  had  urged  the  nation  into  a  war, 
regardless  of  its  military  equipment.  The  emaciated  veterans 
arriving  at  Montauk  were  spoken  of  as  the  evidences  of  "mili- 
tary incompetency;"  they  were  also  evidence  of  that  narrow 
statesmanship  which  ignores  the  constant  suggestions  of  mili- 
tary experience. 


Headquarters  United  States  Forces, 
Near  San  Juan  River,  July  3,  1898 — 8.30  A.  M. 
To  the  Commanding  General  of  the  Spanish  Forces,  Santiago 
de  Cuba. 
Sir: — I  shall  be  obliged,  unless  you  surrender,  to  shell  San- 
tiago de  Cuba.    Please  inform  the  citizens  of  foreign  countries, 
and  all  the  women  and  children,  that  they  should  leave  the  city 
before  10  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  R.  SHAFTER. 

Major-Genera,l  U.  S.  V. 


330  APPENDIX 

Reply. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  3,  1898. 

His   Excellency  the   General   Commanding  Forces  of  United 
States,  near  San  Juan  River. 

Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  reply  to  your  communication  of 
to-day,  written  at  8.30  A.  M.,  and  received  at  i  P.  M.,  demanding 
the  surrender  of  this  city,  or,  in  contrary  case,  announcing  to  me 
that  you  will  bombard  this  city,  and  that  I  advise  the  foreigners, 
women  and  children  that  they  must  leave  the  city  before  ic 
o'clock  to-morrow  morning.  It  is  my  duty  to  say  to  you  that 
this  city  will  not  surrender,  and  that  I  will  inform  the  foreign 
consuls  and  inhabitants  of  the  contents  of  your  message. 
Very  respectfully, 

JOSE  TORAL, 
Commander-in-Chief,  Fourth  Corps. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 
Camp  near  San  Juan  River,  Cuba,  July  4,   1898. 
The  Commanding  General.  Spanish  Forces,  Santiago  de  Cuba,. 
Cuba. 

Sir : — I  was  officially  informed  last  night  that  Admiral  Cer- 
vera  is  now^  a  captive  on  board  the  U.  S.  S.  Gloucester,  and  is 
imharmed.  He  was  then  in  the  harbor  of  Siboney.  I  regret 
also  to  have  to  announce  to  you  the  death  of  General  Vara  del 
Rey  at  El  Caney,  who,  with  two  of  his  sons,  was  killed  in  the 
battle  of  July  ist.  His  body  will  be  buried  this  morning  with 
military  honors.  His  brother,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Vara  del 
Rey,  is  wounded  and  a  prisoner  in  my  hands,  together  with  the 
following  officers :  Captain  Don  Antonio  Vara  del  Rey,  Captain 
Isidor  Arias,  Captain  Antonio  Mansas,  and  Captain  Manuel 
Romero,  who,  though  severely  wounded,  will  all  probably  sur- 
vive. 

I  also  have  to  announce  to  you  that  the  Spanish  fleet,  with 
the  exception  of  one  vessel,  was  destroyed,  and  this  one  is  being 
so  vigorously  pursued  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  it  to  escape. 
General  Pando  is  opposed  by  forces  sufficient  to  hold  him  in 
check. 

In  view  of  the  above,  I  would  suggest  that,  to  save  needless 
effusion  of  blood  and  the  distress  oif  many  people,  you  may  re- 


APPENDIX  331 

consider  your  determination  of  yesterday.    Your  men  have  cer- 
tainly shown  the  gallantry  which  was  expected  of  them. 
I  am,  sir,  with  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM  R.  SHAFTER, 
Major-General,  Commanding  United  States  Forces. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 
Camp  near  San  Juan  River,  Cuba,  July  4,  1898. 
To   the   Commanding   General,   Spanish   Forces,   Santiago   de 
Cuba,  Cuba. 

Sir : — The  fortune  of  war  has  thrown  into  my  hands  quite 
a  number  of  officers  and  private  soldiers,  whom  I  am  now  hold- 
ing as  prisoners  of  war,  and  I  have  the  honor  to  propose  to 
you  that  a  cartel  of  exchange  be  arranged  to-day,  by  which 
the  prisoners  taken  by  the  forces  of  Spain  from  on  board  the 
Merrimac,  and  any  officers  and  men  of  the  army  who  may  have 
fallen  into  our  hands  within  the  past  few  days,  may  be  re- 
turned to  their  respective  governments  on  the  terms  usual 
in  such  cases,  of  rank  for  rank.  Trusting  that  this  will  meet 
with  your  favorable  consideration,  I  remain, 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM   R.  SHAFTER, 
Major-Gencral.  Commanding  United  States  Forces. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 
Camp  near  San  Juan  River,  Cuba,  July  4,  1898. 

To  the   Commanding  Officer,   Spanish  Forces,   Santiago. 

Sir : — It  will  give  me  great  pleasure  to  return  to  the  city  of 
Santiago  at  an  early  hour  to-morrow  morning  all  the  wounded 
Spanish  officers  now  at  EI  Caney  who  are  able  to  be  carried 
and  who  will  give  their  parole  not  to  serve  against  the  United 
States  until  regularly  exchanged.  I  make  this  proposition,  as 
I  am  not  so  situated  as  to  give  these  officers  the  care  and  atten- 
tion that  they  can  receive  at  the  hands  of  their  military  asso- 
ciates and  from  their  own  surgeons;  though  I  shall,  of  course, 
give  them  every  kind  treatment  that  it  is  possible  to  do  under 
such  adverse  circumstances.    Trusting  that  this  will  meet  with 


332  APPENDIX 

your  approbatoin,  and  that  you  will  permit  nie  to  return  to  you 
ihese  persons,  I  am, 

Your  very  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM   R.   SHAFTER, 
Major-General,  Commanding  United  States  Forces. 

Army  of  the  Island  of  Cuba, 

Fifth  Corps,  General  Staflf. 
To  His  Excellency  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  American 
Forces. 
Excellency : — I  have  the  honor  to  reply  to  the  three  commu- 
nications of  your  Excellency,  dated  to-day,  and  I  am  very 
grateful  for  the  news  you  give  in  regard  to  the  generals,  chiefs, 
officers  and  troops  that  are  your  prisoners,  and  of  the  good  care 
that  you  give  to  the  woimded  in  your  possession.  With  respect 
to  the  wounded,  I  have  no  objection  to  receiving  in  this  place 
those  that  your  Excellency  may  willingly  deliver  me,  but  I  am 
not  authorized  by  the  General-in-Chief  to  make  any  exchange, 
as  he  has  reserved  to  himself  that  authority.  Yet  I  have  given 
him  notice  of  the  proposition  of  your  Excellency. 

It  is  useless  for  me  to  tell  you  how  grateful  I  am  for  the  in- 
terest that  your  Excellency  has  shown  for  the  prisoners  and 
corpse  of  General  Vara  del  Rey,  giving  you  many  thanks  for 
the  chivalrous  treatment. 

The  same  reasons  that  I  explained  to  you  yesterday,  I  have 
to  g^ve  again  to-day — that  this  place  will  not  be  surrendered. 
I  am,  yours  with  great  respect  and  consideration, 

(Signed)  JOSE  TORAL. 

In  Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  4,  1898. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 
Camp  near  San  Juan  River,  Cuba,  July  6,  1898. 
To  the  Commander-in-Chief,  Spanish  Forces,  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

Sir: — In  view  of  the  events  of  the  3d  instant,  I  have  the 
honor  to  lay  before  your  Excellency  certain  propositions  to 
which,  I  trust,  your  Excellency,  will  give  the  consideration 
which,  in  my  judgment,  they  deserve. 

I  inclose  a  bulletin  of  the  engagement  of  Sunday  morning 
which  resulted  in  the  complete  destruction  of  Admiral  Cervera's 
fleet,  the  loss  of  six  hundred  of  his  officers  and  men,  and  the 
capture  of  the  remainder.     The  Admiral,  General  Paredes  and 


APPEXDIX  5S^ 

all  others  wno  t-scaped  alive  are  now  prisoners  on  board  tfie 
Harvard  and  St.  Louis,  and  the  latter  ship,  in  which  are  the 
Admiral,  General  Paredes  and  the  surviving  captains  (all  ex- 
cept the  captain  of  the  Almirante  Oquendo,  who  was  slain) 
has  already  sailed  for  the  United  States.  If  desired  by  you,  this 
may  be  confirmed  by  your  Excellency  sending  an  of^cer  under 
a  flag  of  truce  to  Admiral  Sampson,  and  he  can  arrange  to 
visit  the  Harvard,  which  will  not  sail  until  to-morrow,  and  ob- 
tain the  details  from  Spanish  officers  and  men  on  board  that 
ship. 

Our  fleet  is  now  perfectly  free  to  act,  and  I  have  the  honor 
to  state  that  unless  a  surrender  be  arranged  by  noon  of  the  9th 
instant,  a  bombardment  will  be  begun  and  continued  by  the 
heavy  guns  of  our  ships.  The  city  is  within  easy  range  of  these 
guns,  the  eight-inch  being  capable  of  firing  9,500  yards,  the 
thirteen-inch,  of  course,  much  farther.  The  ships  can  so  lie  that 
with  a  range  of  8,000  yards  they  can  reach  the  centre  of  the  city. 

I  make  this  suggestion  of  a  surrender  purely  in  a  human- 
itarian spirit.  I  do  not  wish  to  cause  the  slaughter  of  any  more 
men,  either  of  your  Excellency's  forces  or  my  own,  the  final 
result  under  circumstances  so  disadvantageous  to  your  Excel- 
lency being  a  foregone  conclusion. 

As  your  Excellency  may  wish  to  make  reference  of  so  mo- 
mentous a  question  to  your  Excellency's  home  government, 
it  is  for  this  purpose  that  I  have  placed  the  time  of  the  re- 
sumption of  hostilities  sufficiently  far  in  the  future  to  allow  a 
reply  being  received. 

I  beg  an  early  answer  from  your  Excellency. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  R.  SHAFTER, 
Major-General.   Commanding. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 
Camp  near  Santiago,  July  9,  1898. 
Hon.  Secretary  of  War,  Washington,  D.  C. 

I   forwarded   General   Toral's   proposition   to    evacuate    the 
town  this  morning  without  consulting  any  one.     Since  then  I 
have  seen  the  general  officers  commanding  divisions,  who  agree 
with  me  in  that  it  should  be  accepted. 
1st.     It  releases  at  once  the  harbor. 


334  APPENDIX 

2d.  It  permits  the  return  of  thousands  of  women,  children 
and  old  men,  who  have  left  the  town,  fearing  bombardment, 
•and  are  now  suffering  fearfully  where  they  are,  though  I  am 
doing  my  best  to  supply  them  with  food. 

3d.  It  saves  the  great  destruction  of  property  which  a  bom- 
bardment would  entail,  most  of  which  belongs  to  Cubans  and 
foreign  residents. 

4th.  It  at  once  releases  this  command  while  it  is  in  good 
health  for  operations  elsewhere.  There  are  now  three  cases  of 
yellow  fever  at  Siboney  in  a  ISIichigan  regiment,  and  if  it  gets 
started,  no  one  knows  where  it  will  stop. 

We  lose  by  this,  simply  some  prisoners  we  do  not  want  and 
the  arms  they  carry.  I  believe  many  of  them  will  desert  and 
return  to  our  lines.  I  was  told  by  a  sentinel  who  deserted  last 
night  that  tv/o  hundred  men  wanted  to  come,  but  were  afraid 
<'Ur  men  would  fire  upon  them  .t 

W.  R.  SHAFTER, 
Major-General,  United  States  Volunteers. 

Reply. 

Washington,  D.  C,  July  9,  1898. 
Major-General  Shafter,  Playa,  Cuba. 

In  reply  to  your  telegram  recommending  terms  of  evacuation 
as  proposed  by  the  Spanish  commander,  after  careful  consid- 
eration by  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War,  I  am  directed  to 
say  that  you  have  repeatedly  been  advised  that  you  would  not 
be  expected  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  enemy  at  Santiago 
until  you  were  prepared  to  do  the  work  thoroughly.  When  you 
are  ready  this  will  be  done.  Your  telegram  of  this  morning 
said  your  position  was  impregnable  and  that  you  believed  the 
enemy  would  yet  surrender  unconditionally.  You  have  also 
assured  us  that  you  could  force  their  surrender  by  cutting  oflF 
their  supplies.  Under  these  circumstances,  your  message  re- 
commending that  Spanish  troops  be  permitted  to  evacuate  and 
proceed  without  molestation  to  Holguin  is  a  great  surprise  and 
is  not  approved.  The  responsibility  for  the  destruction  and  dis- 
tress to  the  inhabitants  rests  entirely  with  the  Spanish  com- 
mander. The  Secretary  of  War  orders  that  when  you  are 
strong  enough  to  destroy  the  enemy  and  take  Santiago, you  do  it 
If  you  have  not  force  enough,  it  will  be  despatched  to  you  at 
the  earHest  moment  possible.  Reinforcements  are  on  the  way 
of  which  you  have  already  been  apprised.     In  the  meantime, 


APPENDIX  335 

nothing  is  lost  by  holding  the  position  you  now  have,  atul  which 
you  regard  as  impregnable. 

Acknowledge  receipt.    By  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
(Signed)  H.  C.  CORBIN,  Adjutant-General. 

Headquarters  United  States  Forces, 
Camp  near  San  Juan  River,  Cuba,  July  ii,  189S. 
To   His  Excellency,  the   Commander-in-Chief  of  the   Spanish 
Forces,  Santiago  de  Cuba. 
Sir: — With  the  largely  increased  forces  which  have  come  to 
me,  and  the  fact  that  I  have  your  line  of  retreat  securely  within 
my  hands,  the  time  seems  fitting  that  I  should  again  demand 
of  your  Excellency  the  surrender  of  Santiago  and  your  Excel- 
lency's army.    I  am  authorized  to  state  that  should  your  Excel- 
lency so  desire,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  will  trans- 
port your  entire  command  to  Spain.    I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

WILLIAM   R.  SHAFTER. 
Major-General,  Commanding. 

Reply. 

Army  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  Fourth  Corps, 

July  II,  1898. 
To  His  Excellency,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Forces  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  Camp  of  the  San  Juan. 
Esteemed  Sir : — I  have  the  honor  to  advise  your  Eminence 
that  your  communication  of  this  date  is  received,  and  in  reply 
desire  to  confirm  that  which  I  said  in  my  former  communication, 
and  also  to  advise  you  that  I  have  communicated  your  proposi- 
tion to  the  General-in-Chief.    Reiterating  my  sentiments,  I  am, 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  JOSE  TORAL, 

Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Fourth  Corps  and  Military  Gover- 
nor of  Santiago. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 
Camp  near  Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  12,  1898. 
To   His  Excellency,   Commander-in-Chief  of  Spanish   Forces, 
Santiago  de  Cuba. 
Sir : — I  have  the  honor  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  I  have 
already  ordered  a  suspension  of  hostilities,  and  I  will  repeat 


336  APPENDIX 

that  order,  granting  in  this  manner  a  reasonable  time  within 
which  you  may  receive  an  answer  to  the  message  sent  to  the 
Government  of  Spain,  which  time  will  end  to-morrow  at  12 
o'clock  noon. 

I  think  it  my  duty  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  during  this 
armistice  I  will  not  move  any  of  my  troops  that  occupy  the  ad- 
vanced line,  but  the  forces  that  arrived  to-day  and  which  are 
tlebarking  at  Siboney  require  moving  to  this  camp. 

I  wish  that  your  Excellency  would  honor  me  with  a  per- 
sonal interview  to-morrow  morning  at  9  o'clock.  I  will  come 
accompanied  by  the  Commanding  General  of  the  American 
army,  and  by  an  interpreter,  which  will  permit  you  to  be  ac- 
companied by  two  or  three  persons  of  your  staff  who  speak 
English.  Hoping  for  a  favorable  answer,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Verv  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

' WILLIAM   R.  SH AFTER, 
'  Major-General,  Commanding. 

Army  of  the  Island  of  Cuma,  Fourth  Corps, 

Santiago  de  cuba,  July  12,  1898 — 9  P.  M. 
To  His  Excellency,  the  General  of  the  American  Troops. 

Esteemed  Sir : — I  have  the  honor  to  answer  )'our  favor  of  this 
date,  inform  your  Excellency  that  in  deference  to  your  de- 
sires I  will  be  much  honored  by  a  conference  with  his  Excel- 
lency, the  Commanding  General  of  your  army,  and  your  Excel- 
lency, to-morrow  morning  at  the  hour  you  have  seen  fit  to  ap- 
point. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed)  JOSE  TORAL, 

Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Fourth  Army  Corps. 

Preliminary  agreement  for  the  capitulation  of  the  Spanish 
forces  which  constitute  the  division  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  oc- 
cupying the  territory  herein  set  forth,  said  capitulation  author- 
ized by  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  agreed 
to  by  General  Toral  and  awaiting  the  approbation  of  the 
Government  at  Madrid,  and  subject  to  the  following  condi- 
tions : 

Submitted  by  the  undersigned  Commissioners — 
Brigadier-General  Don  Frederick  Escario,  Lieutenant-Col- 


APPENDIX  337 

onel  of  Staff  Don  Ventura  Fontan  and  Mr.  Robert  Mason,  of 
the  city  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  representing-  General  Toral, 
commanding  Spanish  forces,  to  Major-General  Joseph  Wheel- 
er, U.  S.  v.,  Major-General  H.  W.  Lawton,  U.  S.  V.,  and 
First  Lieutenant  J.  D.  Miley,  Second  Artillery,  A.  D.  C,  rep- 
resenting General  Shafter,  commanding  American  forces,  for 
the  capitulation  of  the  Spanish  forces  comprised  in  that  por- 
tion of  the  Island  of  Cuba  east  of  a  line  passing  through 
Aserradero,  Dos  Palmas,  Palma  Soriano,  Cauto  Abajo,  Es- 
condida,  Tanamo  and  Aguilera,  said  territory  being  known  as 
the  Eastern  District  of  Santiago,  commanded  by  General  Jose 
Toral. 

1.  That  pending  arrangements  for  capitul?t,ion  all  hostili- 
ties between  American  and  Spanish  forces  in  this  district  shall 
absolutely  and  unequivocally  cease. 

2.  That  this  capitulation  includes  all  the  forces  and  war 
material  in  said  territory. 

3.  That  after  the  signing  of  the  final  capitulation  the  Uni- 
ted States  agrees,  with  as  little  delay  as  possible,  to  transport 
all  the  Spanish  troops  in  said  district  to  the  Kingdom  of 
Spain,  the  troops,  as  near  as  possible,  to  embark  at  the  port 
nearest  the  garrison  they  now  occupy. 

4.  That  the  officers  of  the  Spanish  Army  be  permitted  to 
retain  their  side  arms,  and  both  officers  and  enlisted  men  their 
personal  property. 

5.  That  after  final  capitulation  the  Spanish  authorities 
agree  without  delay  to  remove,  or  assist  the  American  Navy 
in  removing,  all  mines  or  other  obstructions  to  navigation 
now  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago  and  its  mouth. 

6.  That  after  final  capitulation  the  commander  of  the 
Spanish  forces  deliver  without  delay  a  complete  inventory  of 
all  arms  and  munitions  of  war  of  the  Spanish  forces  and  a 
roster  of  the  said  forces  now  in  the  above-described  district, 
to  the  commander  of  the  American  forces. 

7.  That  the  commander  of  the  Spanish  forces,  in  leaving 
said  district,  is  authorized  to  carry  with  him  all  military  ar- 
chives and  records  pertaining  to  the  Spanish  Army  now  in 

^said  district. 
93 


33^  APPENDIX 

8.  That  all  of  that  portion  of  the  Spanish  forces  known  as 
Vokinteers,  Movilizados  and  Guerillas,  who  wish  to  remain  in 
the  Island  of  Cuba  are  permitted  to  do  so  under  parole  not 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  United  States  during  the  contin- 
uance of  the  war  between  Spain  and  the  United  States,  deliv- 
ering up  their  arms. 

9.  That  the  Spanish  forces  will  march  out  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba  with  honors  of  war,  depositing  their  arms  thereafter  at 
a  point  mutually  agreed  upon,  to  await  their  disposition  by 
the  United  States  Government,  it  being  understood  that  the 
United  States  Commissioners  will  recommend  that  the  Span- 
ish soldier  return  to  Spain  with  the  arms  he  so  bravely  de- 
fended. 

Entered  into  this  fifteenth  day  of  July,  eighteen  hundred 
and  ninety-eight,  by  the  undersigned  Commissioners,  acting 
under  instructions  from  their  respecting  commanding  generals. 

(Signed) 
JOSEPH  WHEELER, 

Major-General  U.  S.  Vols.; 
H.  W.  LAWTOiN. 

^Major-General  U.  S.  Vols.; 
J.  D.  MILEY, 

i.f^  Lieut.  2d  Art.,  A.  D.  C.  to  General  Shafter. 

FREDERICO  ESCARIO, 
VENTURA  FONTAN, 
ROBERT  MASON. 

Army  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  Fourth  Corps, 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  12,  1898—9  P.  M. 
To  His  Excellency,  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  American 
Forces, 
Esteemed  Sir : — As  I  am  now  authorized  by  my  Government 
to  capitulate,  I  have  the  honor  to  so  advise  you,  requesting  you 
to  designate  the  hour  and  place  where  my  representatives 
should  appear,  to  concur  with  those  of  your  Excellency  to  edit 
the  articles  of  capitulation  on  the  basis  of  what  has  been  agreed 
upon  to  this  date. 

In  due  time  I  wish  to  manifest  to  your  Excellency  my  desire 
to  know  the  resolution  of  the  United  States  Government  re- 


APPENDIX  339 

specting  the  return  of  the  arms,  so  as  to  note  it  in  the  capitula- 
tion ;  also  for  their  great  courtesy  and  gentlemanly  deportment 
I  wish  to  thank  your  Grace's  representatives,  and  in  return  for 
their  generous  and  noble  efforts  for  the  Spanish  soldiers,  I  hope 
your  Government  will  allov/  them  to  return  to  the  Peninsula 
Vt'ith  the  arms  that  the  American  army  do  them  the  honor  to 
acknowledge  as  having  dutifull}'  defended. 
Reiterating  my  former  sentiments,  1  remain, 

Verv  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOSE  TORAL, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Fourth  Army  Corps. 

At  Neutral  Camp,  near  Santiago,  Under  a  Flag  of  Truce, 

July  14,  1898. 
Recognizing  the  chivalry,  courage  and  gallantry  of  Generals 
I^inares  and  Toral,  and  of  the  soldiers  of  Spain  who  were  en- 
gaged in  the  battles  recently  fought  in  the  vicinity  of  Santiago 
de  Cuba,  as  displayed  in  said  battles,  we,  the  undersigned  offi- 
cers of  the  United  States  army,  who  had  the  honor  to  be  en- 
gaged in  said  battle,  and  are  now  a  duly  organized  commission, 
treating  with  a  like  commission  of  officers  of  the  Spanish  army, 
for  the  capitulation  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  unanimously  join  in 
earnestly  soHciting  the  proper  authority  to  accord  to  these 
brave  and  chivalrous  soldiers  the  privilege  of  returning  to  their 
country  bearing  the  arms  they  have  so  bravely  defended. 

JOSEPH  WHEELER, 
Major-General,  U.  S.  Vols. 
H.  W.  LAWTON, 
Major-General,  U.  S.  Vols. 
First  Lient.,  2d  Art.,  A.  D.  C. 
J.  D.  MILEY, 

Army  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  Fourth  Corps, 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  16,  1IS98. 
To  His  Excellency,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Forties  of 
the  United  States. 
Esteemed  Sir: — At  half-past  11  I  received  your  commiinica- 
tion  of  this  date,  and  I  am  sorry  to  advise  you  that  it  is  impos- 
sible for  my  representatives  to  come  to  the  appointed  place  at 
midday,  as  you  wish,  as  I  must  meet  them  and  give  them  their 
instructions. 
If  agreeable  to  you,  will  you  defer  the  visit  until  4  P.  M,  to- 


340 


APPENDIX 


(lay  or  until  7  to-morrow  morning,  and  in  the  meanwhile  the 
obstacles  to  the  entrance  of  the  Red  Cross  will  be  removed 
from  the  harbor. 

I  beg  your  Honor  will  make  clear  what  force  you  wish  me 
*.o  retire  from  the  railroad,  as,  if  it  is  that  in  Aguadores,  I  would 
authorize  the  repair  of  the  bridge  at  once  by  your  engineers ; 
and  if  it  is  that  on  the  heights  to  the  left  of  your  lines,  I  beg 
you  will  specify  with  more  precision. 

I  have  ordered  those  in  charge  of  the  aqueduct  to  proceed  at 
once  to  repair  it  with  the  means  at  their  command. 

Awaiting  your  reply,  I  remain, 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOSE  TORAL, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Fourth  Army  Corps. 

Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 

Camp,  July  16,  1898. 
To  His  Excellency,  General  Jose  Toral,  Commanding  Spanish 
Forces  in  Eastern  Cuba. 

Sir: — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
Excellency's  letter  of  this  date,  notifying  me  that  the  Govern- 
ment at  Madrid  approves  your  action,  and  requesting  that  I 
designate  officers  to  arrange  for  and  receive  the  surrender  of 
the  forces  of  your  Excellency.  This  I  do,  nominating  Major- 
General  Wheeler,  Major-General  Lawton,  and  my  aide,  Lieuten- 
ant Miley.  I  have  to  request  that  your  Excellency  at  once  with- 
draw your  troops  from  along  the  railway  to  Aguadores,  and 
from  the  bluff  in  rear  of  my  left ;  also  that  you  at  once  direct 
the  removal  of  the  obstructions  at  the  entrance  to  the  harbor 
or  assist  the  navy  in  doing  so,  as  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance 
that  I  at  once  get  vessels  loaded  with  food  into  the  harbor. 

The  repair  of  the  railroad  will,  I  am  told,  require  a  week's 
time,  I  shall,  as  I  have  said  to  your  Excellency,  urge  my  Gov- 
ernment that  the  gallant  men  your  Excellency  has  so  ably  com- 
manded have  returned  to  Spain  with  them  the  arms  thev  have 
wielded.    With  great  respect,  I  remain. 

Your  obedient  servant  and  friend, 

WILLIAM   R.  SH AFTER, 
■^       r-Gcneral,  Commanding. 


APPENDIX  34 1 

Terms  of  the  Military  Convention  for  the  capitulatior.  of 
the  Spanish  forces  occupying  the  territory  which  constitutes 
the  Division  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  and  described  as  follows : 
All  that  portion  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  east  of  a  line  pass- 
ing through  Aserradero,  Dos  Palmas,  Cauto  Abajo,  Escon- 
dida,  Tanamo  and  Aguilara,  said  troops  being  in  command  of 
General  Jose  Toral;  agreed  upon  by  the  undersigned  Com- 
missioners :  Brigadier-General  Don  Federico  Escario,  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel of  Staff  Don  Ventura  Fontan,  and  as  Inter- 
preter, Mr.  Robert  Mason,  of  the  city  of  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
appointed  by  General  Toral,  commanding  the  Spanish  forces, 
on  behalf  of  the  Kingdom  of  Spain,  and  Major-General  Joseph 
Wheeler,  U.  S.  V.,  Major-General  H.  W.  Lawton,  U.  S.  V., 
and  First  Lieutenant  J.  D.  Miley,  Second  Artillery,  A.  D.  C, 
appointed  by  General  Shafter,  commanding  the  American 
forces  on  behalf  of  the  United  States : 

1.  That  all  hostilities  between  the  American  and  Spanish 
forces  in  this  district  absolutely  and  unequivocally  cease. 

2.  That  this  capitulation  includes  all  the  forces  and  war 
material  in  said  territory. 

3.  That  the  United  States  agrees,  with  as  little  delay  as 
possible,  to  transport  all  the  Spanish  troops  in  said  district  to 
the  Kingdom  of  Spain,  the  troops  being  embarked,  as  far  as 
possible  at  the  port  nearest  the  garrison  they  now  occupy, 

4.  That  the  officers  of  the  Spanish  Arm  be  permitted  to 
retain  their  side  arms,  and  both  officers  and  private  soldiers 
their  personal  property. 

5.  That  the  Spanish  authorities  agree  to  remove,  or  assist 
the  American  Navy  in  removing,  all  mines  or  other  obstruc- 
tions to  navigation  now  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago  and  its 
mouth. 

6.  That  the  commander  of  the  Spanish  forces  deliver  with- 
out delay  a  complete  inventory  of  all  arms  and  munitions  of 
war  of  the  Spanish  forces  in  above  described  district  to  the 
commander  of  the  American  forces ;  also  a  roster  of  said  forces 
now  in  said  district. 

7.  That  the  commander  of  the  Spanish  forces,  in  leaving 
said  district,  is  authorized  to  carry   with   him   all    military 


342  APPENDIX 

archives  and  records  pertaining  to  the  Spanish  Army  now  in 
said  district. 

8.  That  all  that  portion  of  the  Spanish  forces  known  as 
Volunteers,  Movilizados  and  Guerillas,  who  wish  to  remain  in 
the  Island  of  Cuba,  are  permitted  to  do  so  upon  the  condition 
of  delivering-  up  their  arms  and  taking  a  parole  not  to  bear 
arms  against  he  United  States  during  the  continuance  of  the 
present  war  between  Spain  and  the  United  States. 

9.  That  the  Spanish  forces  will  march  out  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba  with  the  honors  of  war,  depositing  their  arms  thereafter 
at  a  point  mutually  agreed  upon,  to  await  their  disposition  by 
the  United  States  Government,  it  being  understood  that  the 
United  States  Commissioners  will  recommend  that  the  Span- 
ish soldier  return  to  Spain  with  the  arms  he  so  bravely  de- 
fended. 

10.  That  the  provisions  of  the  foregoing-  instrument  be- 
come operative  immediately  upon  its  being  signed. 

Entered  into  this  sixteenth  day  of  July,  eighteen  hundred 
and  ninety-eight,  by  the  undersigned  Commissioners,  acting 
under  instructions  from  their  respective  commanding  generals 
and  with  the  approbation  of  their  respective  governments. 

(Signed) 
JOSEPH  WHEELER, 

Major-General  U.  S.  Vols.; 
H.  W.  LAWTON, 

Major-General  U.  S.  Vols.; 
J.  D.  MILEY, 

1st  Lieut.  2d  Art.,  A.  D.  C.  to  General  Shafter. 

FREDERICO  ESCARIO, 
.     •  VENTURA  FONTAN, 
ROBERT  MASON. 


APPENDIX  343 

The  following  dispatch,  sent  by  General  Linares,  will  show 
how  desperate  were  the  straits  into  which  he  had  been  driven 
and  how  earnestly  he  desired  to  be  granted  authority  to  avoid 
further  fighting  by  the  surrender  of  his  forces  at  Santiago : 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  12,  1898. 
The  General-in-Chief  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Although  prostrated  in  bed  from  weakness  and  pain,  my  mind 
is  troubled  by  the  situation  of  our  suffering  troops,  and  there- 
fore I  think  it  my  duty  to  address  myself  to  you,  Mr.  Secretary, 
and  describe  the  true  situation. 

The  enemy's  forces  very  near  city ;  ours  extended  fourteen  ki- 
lometres (14,000  yards).  Our  troops  exhausted  and  sickly  in  an 
alarming  proportion.  Cannot  be  brought  to  the  hospital — need- 
ing them  in  trenches.  Cattle  without  fodder  or  hay.  Fearful 
storm  of  rain,  which  has  been  pouring  continuously  for  past 
twenty-four  hours.  Soldiers  without  permanent  shelter.  Their 
only  food  rice,  and  not  much  of  that.  The}"-  have  no  way  of 
changing  or  drying  their  clothing.  Our  losses  were  very  heavy 
— many  chiefs  and  oliftcers  among  the  dead,  wounded  and  sick 
Their  absence  deprives  the  forces  of  their  leaders  in  this  very 
critical  moment.  Under  these  conditions  it  is  impossible  tc 
open  a  breach  on  the  enem}',  because  it  would  take  a  third  of 
our  men  who  cannot  go  out,  and  whom  the  enemy  would  deci- 
mate. The  result  would  be  a  terrible  disaster,  without  obtain- 
ing, as  you  desire,  the  salvation  of  eleven  maimed  battalions. 
To  make  a  sortie  protected  by  the  division  at  Holguin,  it  is 
necessary  to  attack  the  enemy's  lines  simultaneously,  and  the 
forces  of  Holguin  cannot  come  here  except  after  many  long 
days'  marching.  Impossible  for  them  to  transport  rations. 
Unfortunately,  the  situation  is  desperate.  The  surrender  is  im- 
minent, otherwise  we  will  only  gain  time  to  prolong  our  agony. 
The  sacrifice  would  be  sterile,  and  the  men  understand  this. 
With  his  lines  so  near  us,  the  enemy  will  annihilate  us  without 
exposing  his  own,  as  he  did  yesterday,  bombarding  bv  land 
elevations  without  our  being  able  to  discover  their  batteries, 
and  by  sea  the  fleet  has  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  place,  and 
bombards  with  a  mathematical  accuracy.  Santiago  is  no 
Gerona,  a  walled  city,  part  of  the  mother  country,  and  defended 
inch  by  inch  by  her  own  people  without  distinction — old  men 
and  women  who  helped  with  their  lives,  moved  bv  the  holv  idea 


344  APPENDIX 

of  freedom,  and  with  the  hope  of  help,  which  they  received. 
Here  I  am  alone.  All  the  people  have  fled,  even  those  holding 
public  offices,  almost  without  exception.  Only  the  priests  re- 
main, and  they  wish  to  leave  the  city  to-day,  headed  by  their 
archbishop.  These  defenders  do  not  start  now  a  campaign  full 
of  enthusiasm  and  energy,  but  for  three  years  they  have  been 
fighting  the  climate,  privations  and  fatigue,  and  now  they  have 
to  confront  this  critical  situation  when  they  have  no  enthusiasm 
or  physical  strength.  They  have  no  ideals,  because  they  defend 
the  property  of  people  who  have  deserted  them  and  those  who 
are  the  allies  of  the  American  forces. 

The  honor  of  arms  has  its  limit,  and  I  appeal  to  the  judgment 
of  the  Government  and  of  the  entire  nation  whether  these  pa- 
tient trops  have  not  repeatedly  saved  it  since  May  i8th — date 
of  first  bombardment.  If  it  is  necessary  that  I  sacrifice  them  for 
reasons  unknown  to  me,  or  if  it  is  necessary  for  some  one  to 
take  responsibility  for  the  issue  foreseen  and  announced  by  me 
in  several  telegrams,  I  willingly  oflfer  myself  as  a  sacrifice  to 
my  country,  and  I  will  take  charge  of  the  command  for  the  act 
of  surrender,  as  my  modest  reputation  is  of  small  value  when 
the  reputation  of  the  nation  is  at  stake. 

(Signed)  LINARES. 

Thus  surrendered  to  our  forces  about  23,500  Spanish 
troops,  of  whom  about  11,000  had  been  in  the  garrison  of  San- 
tiago, the  others  having  been  stationed  in  garrisons  outside  of 
the  city,  but  belonging  to  the  Division  of  Santiago.  With 
them  were  also  surrendered  100  cannon,  18  machine  guns  and 
over  25,000  rifles.  The  troops  w"ere  all  sent  back  to  Spain  in 
vessels  of  their  own  nation  and  flying  their  ow^n  flag.  We 
had  lost  in  battles  with  them  before  the  surrender  23  officers 
killed  and  237  men;  and  100  officers  and  1,332  men  wounded. 


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